On June 24, 2025, Lalu Prasad Yadav was re-elected as the national president of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) for an unprecedented thirteenth consecutive term. This 28-year-old party has known no other leader at its helm. Now 77 and facing ongoing health challenges, Mr. Lalu may have stepped back from the active political forefront, yet his towering figure remains the RJD’s defining emblem, simultaneously buoying its prospects and burdening it with past perceptions.
March 10, 1990, marked a historic day as Mr. Lalu Prasad took the oath as Bihar’s 25th Chief Minister, notably becoming the first to do so outside the traditional Raj Bhavan in Patna. Despite being just 42, his political career already spanned over a decade, with significant victories including two terms in Parliament (1977 and 1989) and two in the Bihar Legislative Assembly (1980 and 1985).
A vast, expectant crowd gathered at Patna’s Gandhi Maidan, witnessing Mr. Lalu’s swearing-in ceremony. In the early days of his administration, he captivated the nation with his unconventional style: conducting impromptu inspections of schools and government offices, openly challenging bureaucrats, sharing simple meals with the impoverished, even directing traffic with a megaphone, and holding Cabinet meetings akin to traditional village gatherings (chaupals). Through these actions, he galvanized and united the historically marginalized backward classes, who, despite their growing numbers, had previously lacked the cohesive power to assert their political will.
For countless supporters, he embodied a political Robin Hood, seemingly diminishing the influence of the ‘Swarna’ (upper castes) to empower the poor and marginalized. His move to derecognize Maithili as an official language, which he perceived as a ‘Sanskritised Brahminical tongue’ despite its widespread use in north Bihar, exemplified this approach. Mr. Lalu fundamentally reshaped the established political system, aiming for a more equitable society. While he achieved this to an extent, the inherent nature of inequality meant that a new power structure, with its own elite, eventually emerged.
Bihar has transformed significantly since Mr. Lalu’s era as Chief Minister, and he too is a changed man. Now, his daily regimen includes 14 pills, and his life involves constant movement between hospitals and home. His health has been fragile since a kidney transplant in December 2022. Concurrently, Bihar itself grapples with a paradoxical blend of heightened political consciousness and persistent economic underdevelopment. Though Mr. Lalu no longer holds executive power, his influence undeniably persists across the state’s political landscape.
Two decades have passed since the end of Mr. Lalu’s direct rule, and that of his wife, Rabri Devi, in November 2005. A whole new generation of voters has come of age without experiencing their time as Chief Ministers. Yet, the narrative of their alleged misgovernance, characterized by the infamous ‘jungle raj’ label, continues to shadow the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) through four subsequent Assembly elections, a persistent challenge to its public image.
On January 18, 2025, in anticipation of Mr. Lalu’s eventual withdrawal from active duties, his younger son, Tejashwi Yadav, formally assumed the party’s leadership. Although Mr. Lalu retains the official title of RJD national president, Tejashwi has been granted authority equivalent to that position. This decision merely formalized a power dynamic that had already been informally established, with Mr. Tejashwi effectively serving as the party’s de facto president.
The origins of the term ‘jungle raj’ are subject to varied interpretations. In his autobiography, Gopalganj to Raisina-My Political Journey, co-authored with Nalin Verma, Mr. Lalu himself recalls the phrase emerging during his first term as he sought to ‘cleanse the vestiges of exploitation.’ He cites the example of the sprawling Patna Golf Course, a nearly 200-acre expanse along Bailey Road. This exclusive club, founded by the British in 1916, was reserved for a select ‘urban elite,’ despite land records showing it as state government property. Mr. Lalu proposed taking over the Golf Club to transform it into a safari park, allowing lions and tigers from the neighboring Patna Zoo to roam freely. He reasoned, ‘If the poor and hardworking people had no access to the Golf Club, why should the limited number of members of the elite have it? It was better to link it to the zoo so that at least the animals could roam around freely.’ This initiative sparked immediate public outcry, with critics accusing him of dictatorial tendencies and proclaiming the arrival of ‘jungle raj’ in Bihar. Ultimately, the Golf Club remained untouched as Mr. Lalu withdrew his proposal.
A more widely circulated account, however, suggests the term gained prominence when it was first uttered by the Patna High Court in August 1997.
During the 1995 Assembly elections, the Janata Dal achieved a clear majority, winning 164 of Bihar’s 324 seats. The public rallied behind the popular slogan, ‘Vote Lalu ka, raj humara‘ (Vote for Lalu, and the rule will be ours). This victory was particularly significant as it marked the first time an incumbent Chief Minister had secured a second consecutive term since Shri Krishna Sinha, who remained in office until his death in January 1961. In the intervening period between Mr. Sinha and Mr. Lalu, Bihar had experienced 23 Chief Ministers and five periods of President’s Rule, with no leader completing a full term, their tenures varying from a mere four days to three-and-a-half years.
Within a fractured Janata Dal, Mr. Lalu’s dominance was undeniable. His ascent to the party’s national presidency on January 29, 1996, therefore, came as no surprise. What was less apparent, however, was that this crowning achievement would almost instantly mark the genesis of his political decline. As he celebrated his new national role, investigations were already underway in Patna concerning allegations of fraudulent withdrawals from various government Animal Husbandry Department accounts. By June 1997, Bihar Governor A.R. Kidwai authorized the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to file charges against the Chief Minister. The political tide within the Janata Dal turned sharply against him, with increasing calls for his resignation as national president.
Rather than resigning, Mr. Lalu opted to split the party. With the party president election slated for July, Sharad Yadav chose to challenge him. Mr. Lalu attempted to persuade Mr. Sharad Yadav to withdraw, even proposing to step down from the Chief Minister’s position if he could retain the party presidency. This compromise failed. Consequently, Mr. Lalu defected, taking 18 of the party’s 22 Lok Sabha members and six Rajya Sabha members with him to establish his own party, the RJD. He was, however, ultimately compelled to resign as Chief Minister, appointing his wife, Rabri Devi, as his successor. Mere days into Ms. Rabri’s term, the Patna High Court, presiding over a contempt petition concerning the abysmal civic conditions in the state capital, famously remarked that there was no effective state government and that ‘jungle raj’ had taken hold in Bihar.
Ironically, Lalu Prasad’s entry into politics was fueled by his opposition to the Congress party’s dynastic tendencies, yet he himself would go on to found a political dynasty. He has nine children—seven daughters and two sons—and for his family, politics has often intertwined deeply with personal life. His eldest daughter, Misa, was born on May 22, 1975, while he was incarcerated under the draconian Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA), a law enacted in 1971 to quell dissent and later repealed in 1977. Following Jayaprakash Narayan’s suggestion, Mr. Lalu named her Misa, a poignant tribute to the very legislation that had imprisoned him.
The Sons Enter the Fray
Despite occasional internal frictions, the family has largely avoided public disputes over party control, though subtle tensions persist. Tejashwi Yadav was still an infant when his father first became Chief Minister. His journey from being recognized solely as Lalu Prasad’s son to carving out his own distinct political persona was a gradual process. Politics wasn’t his initial calling; he pursued cricket after leaving school in Class 10. A talented middle-order batsman known for his cover drive, Tejashwi played for Delhi’s Under-19 team alongside future star Virat Kohli. He also completed a Ranji Trophy season for Jharkhand before being selected by the Delhi Daredevils (now Delhi Capitals) in the Indian Premier League, where he spent four seasons (2008-2012) on the reserve bench.
Ultimately, Mr. Lalu designated Tejashwi, rather than his more unpredictable elder brother Tej Pratap Yadav, as his political successor. Tejashwi’s inaugural public speech occurred during the 2010 Assembly elections, accompanying his father on the campaign trail. He finally retired from cricket in 2012, dedicating himself entirely to politics.
By September 2013, when Mr. Lalu was arrested, Tejashwi was already actively managing party affairs. However, the RJD wasn’t immediately prepared to formally recognize him as the heir apparent. Ram Kripal Yadav, a close confidante of Mr. Lalu, expressed considerable displeasure regarding Tejashwi’s rising prominence. He publicly stated to reporters that ‘Tejashwi is very involved in party affairs. But he will be made a leading face of the party only in the long term,’ effectively dismissing any immediate succession. A year later, Mr. Ram Kripal Yadav defected to the BJP after Mr. Lalu favored his daughter, Misa Bharti, as the candidate for the Patliputra Lok Sabha constituency over him.
Being under 25 in 2014, Tejashwi was ineligible to contest the Lok Sabha election, a circumstance that unexpectedly turned into an advantage. The RJD suffered a significant defeat, securing only four of Bihar’s 40 Lok Sabha seats, with both Rabri Devi losing in Saran and Misa in Patliputra. Tejashwi’s electoral debut came in 2015, where he successfully contested from the Raghopur Assembly constituency, triumphing over BJP’s Satish Kumar, who had defeated his mother in 2010. The RJD’s victory, capturing 81 seats—11 more than the JD(U)—marked a powerful comeback for Mr. Lalu after years in political isolation. Subsequently, Tejashwi was appointed as Bihar’s Deputy Chief Minister.
Lalu’s elder son, Tej Pratap Yadav, has frequently garnered media attention for controversial actions. His behavior, including instances of slapping and pushing party workers on stage or publicly demeaning senior leaders who served his father, has often drawn sharp criticism. For a considerable period, both the family and the party largely overlooked his antics. During Tejashwi’s two terms as Deputy Chief Minister, he was often observed respectfully touching his elder brother’s feet at public gatherings, a symbolic gesture intended to affirm that the family’s internal hierarchy remained unchallenged.
The Yadav family’s patience finally wore thin in May 2025 following a controversial Facebook post on Tej Pratap’s account featuring him with a woman, with a caption implying a 12-year relationship. This incident unfolded while his divorce proceedings with Aishwarya Rai, granddaughter of former Bihar Chief Minister Daroga Prasad Rai, were still unresolved. Consequently, Mr. Lalu announced Tej Pratap’s expulsion from the party for a period of six years.
In his announcement, Mr. Lalu stated, ‘Ignoring moral values in personal life weakens our collective struggle for social justice. The activities, public conduct, and irresponsible behavior of the eldest son are not in accordance with our family values and traditions.’
The 2020 Bihar Assembly election marked Tejashwi’s first independent campaign leadership, though Mr. Lalu retained considerable influence over candidate selection and alliance negotiations. Tejashwi became the undisputed face of the party, conducting an intense campaign that saw him traverse the state, addressing an impressive 247 rallies and four roadshows—more than any other leader that election cycle. The party galvanized around the slogan ‘Tejashwi tai hai!‘ (Tejashwi is confirmed). In a strategic move, Mr. Lalu’s images were conspicuously absent from campaign posters, an effort to distance the RJD from the persistent ‘jungle raj’ criticisms, which Chief Minister Nitish Kumar had made a cornerstone of his counter-campaign. These efforts, however, did not deter the BJP’s offensive. Prime Minister Narendra Modi famously labeled Tejashwi the ‘jungle raj ka yuvraj‘ (the crown prince of jungle raj) during his state rallies. The RJD leadership deliberately chose not to directly counter this narrative. As Bihar approaches its next polls, the party is once again bracing to confront the lingering specter of ‘jungle raj.’
As a relatively young political entity, the RJD has been part of Bihar’s government three times: a full term from 2000 to 2005, where it was the dominant partner with 124 seats and Rabri Devi served as Chief Minister, followed by two shorter coalition periods with the JD(U) (November 2015-July 2017 and August 2022-January 2024). With the exception of a dip in 2010 when it secured only 22 Assembly seats, the RJD has generally maintained its electoral strength. In the most recent two Assembly elections, the RJD emerged as the single largest party, winning 81 seats in 2015 and 75 in 2020. Despite these strong performances, it fell short of forming a government outright on both occasions. This persistent challenge is largely attributed to the RJD’s perceived identity as primarily a Muslim-Yadav party, a perception shaped both by Mr. Lalu’s actions and prevailing political circumstances.
Lalu Prasad’s ascent to power was intricately linked to the significant Mandal-Mandir political currents. The Muslim minority, feeling abandoned by the Narasimha Rao government’s inability to protect the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, sought a new political home. In Bihar, they rallied around Mr. Lalu, particularly after his decisive action to halt BJP president L.K. Advani’s controversial rath yatra. The Janata Dal, already bolstered by support from Other Backward Classes (OBCs), or Mandal communities, transformed into a formidable political force with this crucial addition of minority votes.
Mr. Lalu’s political approach is often encapsulated by the controversial slogan ‘Bhurabal hatao,’ a shorthand for Bhumihars, Rajputs, Brahmins, and Lalas (Kayasthas). However, in his autobiography, Mr. Lalu disavows this slogan, attributing it to a journalist’s fabrication.
He recounts, ‘One day I woke up to a report in a Hindi newspaper which quoted me as saying ‘Bhurabal saaf karo’… It added that I had systematically worked to demolish them financially, socially and politically. I was shocked at the damning report… Though I loved lacing my speeches with earthy phrases, I had no contempt for any caste in even the remotest corner of my heart and there was no question of my having ever given a clarion call to wipe out the upper castes in Bihar. I vehemently rejected the motivated news report.’
During his initial term, Kurmi and Koeri voters began to distance themselves from Mr. Lalu, largely due to the perceived dominance of Yadavs within his administration. This growing discontent culminated in a decisive split in February 1994 with the Kurmi Chetna Rally, where widespread resentment against Mr. Lalu’s government poured out at Patna’s Gandhi Maidan. Nitish Kumar’s prominent presence at this rally further amplified the rebellion. By April 1994, Mr. Nitish Kumar officially exited the Janata Dal, effectively taking the crucial Kurmi-Koeri vote bank with him.
Mr. Lalu’s image as a leader primarily representing Muslims and Yadavs solidified significantly after the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) was formed. Rahul Verma, a fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, observes that ‘In a regional outfit, it is only natural that the party is identified by the leader’s own caste.’ He contends that the ascendance of the BJP subsequently intensified the mobilization of both Yadav and Muslim communities.
Professor Verma elaborates, ‘BJP’s rise further fragmented Bihar’s polity. In a multi-cornered competition, it is essential to have a captive vote bank for any party to be in the race. And it was obvious that Lalu must have felt that a Muslim-Yadav consolidation gives him a captive vote of 25%.’ While this strategy yielded early successes, it also inadvertently constrained the party’s ability to expand its appeal beyond this foundational voter base.
The RJD has actively sought to redefine its image. During the 2020 Bihar election, Tejashwi made a concerted effort to pivot the campaign towards caste-neutral themes, focusing heavily on ‘unemployment.’ While this strategic shift might now seem deliberate, his colleagues assert that it emerged organically. Bihar was the first state to hold elections amidst the pandemic. On October 24, 2020, at a press conference in Patna, Tejashwi, flanked by masked party leaders, declared that an RJD government would create 10 lakh jobs. This promise resonated deeply with the youth, who were already struggling with the economic repercussions of the pandemic, and quickly became the RJD’s central campaign message.
Professor Verma, however, cautions that the RJD’s strong performance cannot be solely attributed to its employment-focused campaign. He points out, ‘A few months before the elections, Tejashwi Yadav was completely out of the picture. He ran a spirited campaign, bringing economic distress and governance issues to the center stage. But we must remember, the results also reflected the crisis within the NDA. Until very late, the BJP did not endorse Nitish Kumar as the NDA Chief Minister. Then there was the LJP raising a flag of rebellion against Nitish Kumar.’ Presently, the RJD is consciously attempting to broaden its appeal by engaging with non-Yadav OBC communities, aiming to forge a more expansive coalition of backward classes, reminiscent of the Janata Dal’s past support base. With Nitish Kumar’s political sway diminishing, the party sees a strategic opening to attract voters from the Kushwaha and Kurmi communities.
At a March 2024 election rally in Patna’s Gandhi Maidan, Mr. Tejashwi proclaimed, ‘Some people say that we are only a MY party, a party of Muslims and Yadavs. But we are also a BAAP party, where B stands for Bahujan, A for Agda (upper caste), A for Aadhi Aabadi (women), and P for poor.’ The RJD’s showing in the 2024 Lok Sabha election indicated an improvement, securing four seats and increasing its vote share by six percentage points, a significant step up from its nil tally in 2019. However, while encouraging, this outcome is likely insufficient to restore the party to the national prominence it commanded in the 1990s.
Looking ahead to the 2025 Bihar election, the RJD intends to sharply highlight the contrast between the dynamic, young Tejashwi Yadav and the 74-year-old incumbent Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. The party also anticipates that the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) will face strong anti-incumbency sentiment after two decades in power. The crucial question remains whether the RJD’s incremental efforts to broaden its voter appeal will be enough to secure victory, or if a more dramatic shift will be required to truly reclaim its dominant position in Bihar’s political arena.