Seventy-seven-year-old N. Birendra Singh (name changed), a respected businessman from Imphal’s Meitei community, still maintains contact with his childhood friend, a retired Kuki-Zo government employee now living in Churachandpur. Their regular meetings and mutual support are a distant memory, shattered by the eruption of ethnic violence.
Just a few months ago, Birendra recounted a harrowing conversation with his friend. “He was worried and anxious. His pregnant daughter had developed complications, but he couldn’t bring her the mere 60 km to Imphal for medical attention. Instead, she had to endure a perilous 330 km journey to Aizawl in neighboring Mizoram, a trip that took over 14 hours.” Thankfully, the delivery was safe, and a healthy baby was born.
Before May 3, 2023, when ethnic strife flared between the tribal Kuki-Zo and majority Meitei communities in this northeastern state, Birendra and his friend were inseparable. Now, they haven’t seen each other in 28 months, a stark testament to the deep divisions that have formed.
Today, the Imphal Valley, home to Birendra and other Meiteis, is effectively separated from the surrounding hill areas, including Churachandpur, by layers of security. These ‘buffer zones’ are meant to prevent further violence by keeping the communities apart.
The intensifying divisions mean that individuals who lost homes and loved ones in the violence are struggling immensely to rebuild their lives and find any semblance of normalcy.
The conflict has claimed approximately 250 lives and displaced over 60,000 people, stemming from disputes over land rights and Scheduled Tribe status. The initial wave of violence led to widespread shutdowns, protests, and an information blockade, culminating in the imposition of President’s Rule in February this year.
Samuel Vaiphei, 20, who once studied in Imphal, now dedicates his time to teaching children at a relief camp in Churachandpur. Forced to flee his home like countless others, Samuel was one of 40 internally displaced persons (IDPs) who met Prime Minister Narendra Modi on September 13.
“I conveyed our pain and suffering to the Prime Minister. I told him we no longer wish to live alongside the Meiteis,” Vaiphei stated, referring to the community that constitutes 53% of Manipur’s population.
Kuki-Zo groups make up 26% of the population. Official figures indicate that around 28,000 Kuki-Zos and 25,000 Meiteis have been severely impacted by the violence.
The Prime Minister’s Dual Engagements
During his four-hour visit to the state, Prime Minister Modi made two public appearances: one in Imphal, a valley district, and another in Churachandpur, a hill district. At Peace Ground in Churachandpur, a venue often used for Kuki-Zo community celebrations, he unveiled several projects amounting to ₹7,300 crore for Manipur.
Meanwhile, at Kangla Fort in Imphal, the historic seat of the Meitei dynasty until 1891, the Prime Minister inaugurated projects worth ₹1,200 crore. Rannoi Likmabam, a 22-year-old salesperson at a nearby pharmacy, expressed a common sentiment: “It’s too late. Why is he coming now?”
Security personnel at Churachandpur on September 13, when PM Narendra Modi visited.
The visit itself faced near cancellation due to relentless rain, transforming the previously sunny grounds into muddy swamps within hours. Pumps were quickly deployed to drain the water, allowing people to wade through the mud to reach the waterproof tents erected for the event.
Roshan Thanoujam, a 42-year-old momo vendor by the roadside, voiced his skepticism: “Inaugurating projects does not equate to peace. I will not attend his rally.”
A state government official explained that a road route was pre-planned as a crucial backup, considering previous political controversies where the PM’s convoy was delayed. “The road route was a contingency due to the region’s unpredictable weather. We couldn’t solely rely on aerial travel. Troops were mobilized overnight to sanitize the 61-km stretch.”
Initially, Modi was scheduled to travel by helicopter directly from Aizawl to Churachandpur. However, he ultimately flew to Imphal by aircraft. “We intended to transport him by chopper from Imphal airport, but two additional helicopters couldn’t arrive. At least three are needed for VVIP visits to maintain operational flexibility,” the official noted.
Consequently, he traveled by road to Churachandpur, a fact he acknowledged in his speech. Many attendees, especially in Churachandpur, struggled to understand his Hindi address. The Prime Minister’s day began with the inauguration of a railway line in Mizoram, followed by his stop in Manipur before continuing to Assam in the evening.
The highly anticipated visit was announced only the day before. However, officials and security forces had been alerted about a potential ‘VVIP visit’ since September 1. Roads in Churachandpur, along the planned convoy route, were repaved 4-5 days prior, while neglected internal roads remained riddled with potholes.
“On the night of September 12, after receiving the weather forecast, there were discussions about whether the Prime Minister could address both venues via videoconferencing. He insisted on being physically present among the people, stating that if necessary, the visit could be postponed, but he would not address Manipur virtually,” the official revealed.
Union Home Minister Amit Shah closely monitored the PM’s visit, requesting continuous updates from state government officials.
The Struggle for Open Roads
Prime Minister Modi has faced criticism from the Opposition and state residents for not visiting Manipur sooner after the violence began. This trip marked only the second time a Prime Minister had visited Churachandpur since Rajiv Gandhi’s visit in 1988, and it came after the Congress secured both Lok Sabha seats in the state during the 2024 general election.
In the hill district, local village chiefs, whose authority is rarely questioned, were enlisted by the state administration to ensure a large public presence along the convoy route. An earlier, longer roadshow was scaled back due to heavy rain. Schoolchildren and other locals, initially gathered with the Tricolour and posters at a vegetable market, were hastily rerouted to another part of town by buses and open mini-trucks due to the last-minute change in plans.
“We were instructed to maintain a considerable distance from the crowd as the convoy passed, to avoid giving the impression that things were not normal here due to heavy security,” a CRPF official at a roadshow point shared.
Buffer zones, established after the imposition of President’s Rule, were traversed by Modi’s motorcade between Bishnupur and Churachandpur. The convoy passed by a damaged bridge, blown up by miscreants in 2023, and numerous homes and properties that bore the scars of the conflict. Some burned-out structures in the buffer zone are now occupied by security forces, their bullet-riddled walls freshly painted and repurposed as control rooms for monitoring social media and drones.
Along the route, at least seven checkposts were temporarily removed to facilitate the PM’s quick passage. The journey from Imphal airport to Churachandpur took approximately an hour. Once the convoy departed, the checkposts were reinstated.
Linda Kim, 42, a resident of Hiangtam village in Churachandpur, lamented the increased cost of travel outside the state. “We lack good hospitals here. Previously, it cost ₹200 and an hour to reach Imphal airport. Now, we pay around ₹3,500 for a 12-13 hour journey to Aizawl. Landslides can even leave us stranded for two days. I hope this visit helps the two communities find a way to meet halfway, though living together again seems difficult,” she admitted.
Officials confirmed that the IDPs selected to meet the Prime Minister were carefully chosen and vetted by the state administration. Among them was N. Samananda Singh, 42, a retired Navy man. He was constructing a small resort in Moreh, near Manipur’s border with Myanmar, when the violence erupted. He still carries a video on his phone of the unfinished resort, where he had invested all his retirement savings, proudly pointing out a small swimming pool he was building. On May 4, 2023, a day after the violence began in Churachandpur, his home and resort were attacked and destroyed.
Many Meitei families like Samananda’s were forced to seek refuge in Army camps while their properties were razed. Samananda now resides in a relief camp in Imphal, set up in a girls’ college. He conveyed to the Prime Minister the urgent need for jobs for those displaced, emphasizing the absence of regular income sources. He tragically noted that many in the camp had either taken their own lives or succumbed to illness. “We are dependent on others for food or resort to daily wage labor to survive,” he shared.
He specifically requested the opening of National Highway-2 to Meitei people. This highway connects the Imphal Valley to Dimapur in Nagaland and further to Assam. “We cannot afford air travel. If the roads open, we can travel to Guwahati in Assam and earn some money,” he stated.
Despite the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) announcing on September 4 that NH-2, which traverses Kuki-Zo areas in Kangpokpi district north of Imphal, was open for all vehicles, the reality on September 14 was different. During a visit by The Hindu to the border checkpoint, only commercial goods vehicles, and private vehicles and buses carrying non-Meitei passengers were seen plying the road. This checkpoint has functioned as a buffer zone between the Meitei-dominated Imphal West district and the Kuki-Zo-dominated Kangpokpi district since May 2023.
The highway, damaged and pothole-ridden, is vital for delivering essential supplies to the landlocked Imphal Valley, which lacks rail connectivity. It also serves as the main route to Imphal airport, which Kuki-Zo people have been unable to access.
A security official recounted a poignant example of the deep division: they were refused a coffee machine delivery from Imphal when the vendor learned it was destined for the hills. While economic activity remains stifled, progress in securing justice for victims has been slow, with trials for most of the approximately 3,000 cases registered during the 2023 violence yet to commence.
A Glimmer of Hope for Healing
On June 19, 2023, a horrific video circulated on social media, showing two women being stripped and paraded by a mob. They were fleeing a crowd of 800-900 people who had been pursuing their family.
One of the women had reportedly been gang-raped 70 days earlier. Her father and brother were tragically killed by the mob. Disturbingly, it was alleged that the women were handed over to the mob by policemen whom they had trusted for protection.
Despite the arrest of six individuals, including a juvenile, and the case’s transfer to the Central Bureau of Investigation under Supreme Court orders, the trial has yet to begin. Approximately 3,000 cases related to the ethnic clashes were filed in 2023 alone.
Neither of the two rape survivors were among the IDPs who met the Prime Minister at Peace Ground, located about 20 km from one survivor’s rented accommodation. Over two years later, she continues to battle profound trauma.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi during a meeting with violence-affected people at a relief camp, in Imphal, Manipur.
The Assam Rifles (AR), a 190-year-old paramilitary unit functioning as both a counter-insurgency and peacekeeping force, has organized regular psychological counseling sessions for one of the rape survivors. A dedicated room with videoconferencing facilities was set up on the AR campus in Churachandpur, allowing the woman to connect with a counsellor from Guwahati.
“The hill town lacks both adequate medical facilities and professional counsellors. To support the woman, we arranged these counseling sessions, providing her with a private room and internet access for professional help,” an AR officer explained.
Back in Imphal, Birendra, whose dairy business suffered severely due to the violence, offered a philosophical reflection: “What is the point of quarreling? We are all here just temporarily.”