In the heart of Somdal, a renowned village in Manipur’s Ukhrul district, a temporary helipad now sits where a century-old Baptist Church once stood. This church was carefully dismantled in September to make way for the helicopter carrying a venerable Naga leader—a figure nearly as old as the church itself—to land on October 22nd.
As 91-year-old Thuingaleng Muivah, the esteemed general secretary of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) and a devout Christian, stepped out of the chopper, he likely noted the absence of the church. Having traveled from Dimapur, Nagaland, via Ukhrul, his arrival in Somdal felt almost ethereal to the 4,500 villagers. For them, seeing their revered godfather land on the very spot where a house of worship once stood was a moment beyond ordinary.
“The church will be rebuilt, but his arrival on its ground felt truly divine,” remarked 88-year-old Mashithi Moinao. For her, Muivah had transcended from an ‘elder brother’ to an ‘avakharar’—a godfather or father figure in the Tangkhul language—during his six-decade absence from his native Somdal. This village, and much of Ukhrul district, is predominantly inhabited by the Tangkhuls, a Naga community central to the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah faction), commonly known as NSCN (I-M). The faction bears the names of Muivah and its co-founder, Isak Chishi Swu, who passed away in 2016.
Having recently been discharged from intensive care, Muivah’s health has been a concern. During the welcome ceremony in Ukhrul, just hours before he reached Somdal, a speech was read on his behalf by V.S. Atem, the ‘Deputy Prime Minister’ of the NSCN (I-M) government. In it, Muivah expressed gratitude for being ‘preserved’ and granted the opportunity to return to his birthplace. He holds the title of Ato Kilonser, or prime minister, within the organization.
Many who gathered in Ukhrul and Somdal harbored anxieties about whether their ‘avakharar’ would ever make this return. Across the Tangkhul territories, Muivah’s homecoming prompted special prayers for his health and longevity, held on October 26th—the sole Sunday of his eight-day visit. Jerry Muinao, a local social worker, shared, “We prayed for his good health and long life.” In the absence of the church, the service took place at the village’s multi-purpose hall shortly after Muivah, looking notably brisker than when he first arrived despite earlier struggles with walking, came from Gethsemane, his temporary residence. Both the multi-purpose hall and his ancestral home lie approximately 2.5 km from Gethsemane, in opposing directions.
Midway between his home and temporary abode, a bronze statue of Muivah and his wife stands beneath a structure reminiscent of a nativity scene. These statues were unveiled in April, a time when Somdal residents remained uncertain if the obstacles to Muivah’s long-awaited return would ever be cleared.
A Potential Unifying Force?
While some recall a brief visit by Muivah to Somdal in 1973, a decade after he joined the Naga secessionist movement, others contend he was prevented by heavy military presence from reaching beyond a nearby jungle. What is undisputed, however, is that his path to Somdal remained fraught with difficulties until very recently. This resistance largely stemmed from the NSCN (I-M)’s vision of ‘Nagalim’—a unified Naga homeland that, though less emphasized now, previously encompassed over 57,400 sq. km across Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Nagaland, and parts of Myanmar. The Manipur government, along with Meitei civil society groups in the Imphal valley, viewed this concept as a direct threat to the state’s territorial integrity, particularly as it inherently required Ukhrul and other Naga-dominated districts of Manipur.
This deep-seated apprehension led the then-Manipur government, under Congress leader Okram Ibobi Singh, to deploy forces in May 2010 to block Muivah’s previous attempt to reach Somdal by road. His convoy was halted near the Mao gate on the Manipur-Nagaland border, a mere 120 km from his destination. The confrontation escalated, resulting in the deaths of two individuals when security forces fired upon pro-Muivah protestors.
New Delhi continues to view Muivah’s demands for a separate Naga constitution (Yehzabo) and a Naga flag as significant obstacles to the peace process, considering them outside the Indian Constitution’s framework. These demands persist despite the Framework Agreement signed between the Centre and the NSCN (I-M) on August 3, 2015, which aimed to set a path for settlement.
Despite the NSCN (I-M)’s threat in November 2024 to ‘resume violent armed struggle’ if the Framework Agreement was not honored, the Manipur government’s decision—under President’s Rule—to permit Muivah’s return signifies a softening stance on this complex issue. His visit to Somdal also highlights the evolving regional landscape following the brutal ethnic clashes between the Kuki-Zomi and Meitei communities in May 2023, which claimed over 250 lives. Notably, the Nagas, as Manipur’s second-largest ethnic group after the Meiteis, maintained neutrality throughout this conflict.
Muivah’s growing acceptance among non-Naga communities was strikingly evident. Leaders from influential Meitei organizations, including the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI)—formed in 2019 to oppose the NSCN (I-M)’s Greater Nagalim aspirations—and the All-Manipur United Clubs’ Organisation, attended his welcome ceremony. COCOMI spokesperson Athouba lauded Muivah as a ‘tall leader’ and his visit as a ‘historic moment’. Even radical groups like Meitei Leepun praised the Centre’s ‘wise and compassionate decision’ to allow his brief homecoming, with chief Pramot Singh describing the NSCN (I-M) leader as ‘a respected leader of the Naga people’ and ‘an inspirational and visionary figure admired across communities’.
While Kuki-Zomi communities, Manipur’s third-largest ethnic group, were not represented at Muivah’s welcome events in Ukhrul, their organizations nonetheless expressed support for his visit. This gesture, particularly significant given the violent Kuki-Naga clashes of the 1990s that claimed over 1,000 lives, signaled a desire for reconciliation and a shared future in Manipur’s hills, which constitute 90% of the state’s landmass and are jointly inhabited by Naga and Kuki-Zomi groups. The Zomi Re-Unification Organisation hailed Muivah’s return as a ‘moment of joy,’ and the Eastern Kuki Chiefs’ Association in Kamjong district commended his ‘tireless efforts’ in the Naga political struggle.
Critical Voices Amidst the Welcome
Muivah’s image in Manipur appears to be shifting from a staunch Naga separatist icon to a more widely accepted leader among non-Naga communities. However, not everyone embraces this evolving narrative. A group advocating for Kukiland—an administrative region excluding Meitei and Naga-inhabited areas—acknowledged Muivah’s right to visit ‘Manipur Naga territories’ but remained indifferent to his homecoming. Asserting that Manipur’s three primary communities now effectively ‘live in their own separate lands,’ this group urged the Centre to establish separate administrations for each to secure lasting peace and prosperity.
Prior to Muivah’s visit, the Zeliangrong United Front—an armed group representing the Zeme, Liangmai, and Rongmei Nagas—demanded an apology for alleged atrocities committed by the NSCN (I-M) against their tribesmen. They argued against glorifying an individual who, in their view, ‘failed the Nagas on all fronts’ and returned ’empty-handed’ after decades dedicated to his people’s mission. The Front specifically accused Muivah of ordering ‘merciless killings of many prominent leaders in the name of Naga nationalism and sovereignty’ and orchestrating ‘arson in villages in the name of taxation or fighting the Indian Army,’ asserting that ‘it was all the common Nagas who made the sacrifices.’ This highlights a significant divergence in opinion among Naga factions regarding Muivah and the ongoing peace process.
During his time among his fellow villagers, Muivah directly addressed these concerns. He emphasized that the cause they were fighting for was ‘greater and older than most of us who are gathered here…’ and asserted that the ‘historic national decision for a sovereign Nagalim’ had been steadfastly defended and strengthened through both armed conflict and negotiations. He concluded with a resolute declaration: ‘We have not surrendered the free existence and sovereignty of Nagalim, and we shall defend the sovereign national decisions of Nagalim to the last, come what may.’
For the young and old throughout the Tangkhul region, the overriding significance was simply the presence of their ‘national hero’ among them. Naokahao Shitung, 62, pastor of Ramva Baptist Church in Ukhrul, reflected, ‘God has a plan for everything, the peace process included. For now, He has willed our avakharar to be with us.’ Shonreingam Layam, 30, from Ukhrul, added, ‘We are too happy to think about what can or cannot be in the future.’ And octogenarian Elisabeth Tungshsngnao of Langtang, a nearby village, held a hopeful yet somber belief that Muivah’s lifelong struggles would eventually bear fruit, though ‘probably not while we are alive.’
A Deeply Emotional Return
While many residents of Somdal and Ukhrul district had previously met Muivah, these encounters usually took place at Camp Hebron in Nagaland—the NSCN (I-M)’s central headquarters since the 1997 ceasefire—or elsewhere in the country. Lalotla Shimrang, 80, recalled meeting him in New Delhi, where her late son resided. ‘Having him among us in our backyard is a profoundly different feeling,’ she shared.
Raripam Rungshung, Somdal’s secretary, highlighted the tangible benefits of Muivah’s visit. ‘The government dispatched a doctor to our Community Health Centre just before his arrival. We haven’t had one for years,’ he noted, expressing hope that village roads—a challenging 25 km stretch requiring an SUV for a two-hour journey—and school infrastructure, including two higher secondary schools (one private) and a primary school, would also see improvements.
Khanot Ruivah, a former college principal in Ukhrul, fondly recounted his childhood, growing up with Muivah and other friends in Somdal. After meeting the NSCN (I-M) leader in Dimapur in 2022, he had low expectations of a homecoming, citing the complexities of the Naga peace process. ‘He appeared frail at that time,’ Ruivah recalled, ‘and as we parted ways, I hoped we could meet at least once more before we die.’
Tragically, three of Muivah’s siblings—Longrungla, Shangreihan, and James—passed away during his decades-long absence, spent leading fighters and negotiating with the government. His sole surviving sibling, 84-year-old Asui Muivah, a former village chairman, expressed a bittersweet sentiment: ‘I wish we had the family reunion earlier, but it is better late than never.’
Through Atem, his brother-turned-’avakharar’ conveyed a poignant realization that his return might have come a little too late. ‘Many people who I knew and who loved me are missing,’ he remarked, his gaze sweeping over the assembled villagers from behind dark glasses. The emotion was overwhelming; tears streamed down his cheeks, gently wiped away by his aides.