On September 23rd, a significantly changed Azam Khan emerged from Sitapur jail after 23 long months. While hundreds of Samajwadi Party (SP) loyalists cheered his release with fervent slogans and sweets, the veteran leader appeared to be in the twilight of his political career. The fiery speeches and sharp wit that once defined him were conspicuously absent. Despite his supporters chanting “Inquilab aaya” (Revolution is here), he offered only a subdued wave. Khan spoke softly about how his time in prison had distanced him from the political fray and emphasized his need for medical recovery, seemingly far removed from any revolutionary aspirations. Only upon reaching Rampur city did a hint of his old self resurface, as he briefly raised a fist at those he perceived as his adversaries.
Rampur, once his political stronghold and personal domain, felt different this time—more like a quiet residence than a buzzing center of power. His convoy, which historically drew massive crowds, now halted to greet only a few hundred diminishing supporters. Although party president Akhilesh Yadav had publicly voiced support for Khan earlier, framing him as a target of the Adityanath government’s political vendetta and promising to quash all charges if the SP returned to power, Yadav’s conspicuous absence from both Sitapur and Rampur fueled speculation. It suggested that Khan, a seasoned veteran, was largely left to navigate his challenges alone within a party increasingly steered by younger leaders. His release was met by his steadfast supporter, Moradabad MP Ruchi Veera, but significantly, Rampur MP Mohibbullah Nadwi was absent. This stark contrast immediately highlighted the brewing internal power struggle within the Samajwadi Party and for one of its original founders.
While Khan was incarcerated last year, reports suggested that Akhilesh Yadav had chosen Mohibbullah Nadwi and S.T. Hasan as candidates for the Rampur and Moradabad constituencies, respectively. Nadwi, the then-serving imam of New Delhi’s Jama Masjid, was considered Yadav’s last-ditch effort, while Hasan was an incumbent MP who had previously defied the growing influence of Hindutva in the 2019 general elections.
Khan, however, was clearly not in agreement with these choices. His firm rejection of the party’s selections led to S.T. Hasan being replaced by Ruchi Veera at the eleventh hour. Though Khan’s preferred candidate for Rampur ultimately wasn’t approved by Yadav, this intervention marked a partial victory for the veteran leader.
As political analysts predict a renewed power struggle, some of Khan’s inner circle have strategically hinted to the media that his wife, former Rajya Sabha MP Tazeen Fatima, recently met with Bahujan Samaj Party leader Mayawati, suggesting Khan might consider joining their ranks. Others optimistically speculate that Khan could unite with Asaduddin Owaisi to galvanize Muslim youth. However, such scenarios seem unlikely for a man who has always operated as an independent force – a political strategist who thrives on the collective energy of the masses. This 10-time legislator is most formidable when facing an opponent. For years, he was Mulayam Singh Yadav’s most trusted aide until a brief rivalry with Amar Singh arose. During that period, Khan, instead of openly revolting against the elder Yadav, quietly nursed his wounded pride at home. Meanwhile, Singh’s preferred candidate, film star Jayaprada, secured the Rampur seat for the party twice, including in 2009. Khan endured this setback but exacted his revenge a decade later, defeating her when she ran as the BJP’s candidate.
This time, the hurdles are considerably greater. Akhilesh Yadav firmly controls the party, and the Adityanath government has been known to aggressively pursue legal cases against political adversaries; Khan’s family alone faces over 160 charges. Furthermore, Khan is currently barred from contesting elections, which means his political influence might be reduced to that of a ‘remote control,’ supporting his loyalists from the sidelines. This would be a stark contrast for a man who has thrived in the public eye since the early 1990s, when his fiery rhetoric was often perceived as the genuine voice of minority grievances. Through his assertive stance during the Ayodhya agitation, Khan once ignited hopes of a revolution, mobilizing the masses and establishing himself as the primary spokesperson for Uttar Pradesh’s largest minority community.
However, that pivotal role is no longer his to claim. Once the undisputed king of the political chessboard, Azam Khan must now contend with being, at best, a mere knight.