Political strategist-turned-activist Prashant Kishor, leader of the Jan Suraj party, sat down with Nistula Hebbar to discuss his party’s highly anticipated debut in the upcoming Bihar Assembly elections.
What prompted you to transition from a political strategist to launching your own party?
The pivotal moment was the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite my extensive network, influence, and resources from working on elections in Bengal and Tamil Nadu, I felt utterly helpless, unable to make a tangible difference for anyone. This experience highlighted the hollowness of “good governance” claims in Bihar, especially when millions were forced to trek back to the state during the crisis. It solidified my resolve to return to Bihar. On May 2, 2021, the day the TMC won in Bengal, I announced my departure from political strategizing.
After taking a year to reflect, one of my initial ideas was to collaborate with the Congress party, aiming to rebuild it from the ground up. However, we couldn’t make that leap of faith together, so I decided it was time to forge my own path.
How does Jan Suraj stand apart from other political parties?
Firstly, Jan Suraj is unique in the history of independent India for bringing together one crore people even before its official formation. This contrasts sharply with other parties that typically launch first and then begin their outreach. Secondly, we are striving to re-establish the spirit of the pre-independence Congress under Mahatma Gandhi. Back then, the Congress served as a unifying platform for anyone dedicated to India’s independence. Similarly, Jan Suraj aims to be a common ground for individuals from all walks of life – be they from CPI(ML), BJP, RSS, devout Muslims, or Congress backgrounds – who are committed to improving Bihar.
Critics suggest Jan Suraj will merely act as a “spoiler,” fragmenting votes between the INDIA bloc and the NDA. What’s your response?
Consider the combined vote share of the INDIA and NDA blocs: approximately 72%. This means a significant 28%—nearly one-third of Bihar’s electorate—does not vote for either. If we, as you say, “cut” 5%, 8%, or even 10% of votes from both the NDA and the RJD, and add that to the existing non-aligned vote, we could potentially reach 40%. When people call us a “vote katwa” (spoiler) party, they intend it as an insult. I, however, embrace it, because we are indeed slicing off so many votes from both major alliances that they will ultimately be dismantled.
What’s your perspective on the allegations surrounding the Special Intensive Review (SIR)?
The Special Intensive Review (SIR) hasn’t been a significant issue in Bihar. While it generated discussion and perhaps made the Election Commission more attentive, we maintained from the outset that the Supreme Court would not permit the EC to determine citizenship, as that falls outside their jurisdiction. Their role is confined to verifying documents for inclusion in voter rolls, which is precisely what transpired.
You’ve had a close association with Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. Have you met him recently, and how do you assess his current health and leadership?
On a personal level, I remain on good terms with him. My disagreement is not with Nitish Kumar as an individual but with the government he leads. As I see it, he is not truly running the government today; instead, it is managed by a small circle of five or six close advisors, including both ministers and bureaucrats, who have, in my view, compromised everything.
The NDA frequently invokes the “Jungle Raj” era under the RJD, even though it’s been two decades since they were in power. Do you believe this resonates with the younger generation?
Yes, people certainly remember that period, and it’s precisely why the RJD government has not returned to power since 2005, and I don’t foresee it happening in the next 10, 15, or even 20 years. Moreover, the younger generation today is not just rejecting the RJD; they are demanding better outcomes from the current administration. They argue that the government cannot perpetually win votes solely by highlighting the RJD’s past failings. Instead, they want to know what concrete steps will be taken to address critical issues like job creation, migration, and the overall development of Bihar.
What is your opinion on the recent wave of welfare initiatives and “freebies” announced by the NDA government?
Once people are determined to see change, such initiatives often prove ineffective. When examples like Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh are cited where freebies seemingly influenced election outcomes, one conveniently overlooks states like Andhra Pradesh, where Jagan Mohan Reddy offered even more substantial freebies, or Rajasthan, where Ashok Gehlot virtually opened the state treasury, yet these efforts did not secure victory. While governments typically resort to these measures closer to elections, and they do work in some instances, it’s crucial to recognize that election victories are complex, influenced by a multitude of factors, not just welfare giveaways.