Massad Boulos’s trip to Libya in July was ostensibly in his capacity as the State Department’s senior Africa adviser. However, as he engaged with energy executives and government leaders, his additional role as President Trump’s son-in-law, Tiffany Trump’s father, carried equally significant weight.
This potent family connection was so widely recognized that some Libyan officials had informally begun referring to him as ‘Abu Tiffany,’ an Arabic term meaning ‘Tiffany’s father.’
At the very time Mr. Boulos was publicly announcing efforts to boost Libyan oil and gas production, his daughter, Tiffany Trump, and her husband, Michael Boulos, were enjoying a luxurious cruise along the French Riviera. Their vessel? One of the globe’s most extravagant superyachts, reportedly belonging to a prominent figure in Libyan oil brokering.
This opulent yacht, named the Phoenix 2, is nothing short of a floating palace, boasting dual helipads, a sprawling swimming pool, and an impressive 18-foot bronze phoenix figurehead at its bow. While not currently available for charter, its previous rental rates exceeded $1.4 million weekly, with advertisements proudly showcasing its Art Deco design and bespoke Steinway piano.
The magnificent yacht is owned by the billionaire oil traders Ercument and Ruya Bayegan. Notably, Ms. Bayegan’s energy firm, BGN International, stands to directly gain from any surge in Libyan oil output.
Massad Boulos has emerged as a central figure in the Trump administration’s diplomatic approach to Africa, a strategy that frequently favors securing business agreements above fostering international goodwill or democratic values. The sight of his son and Tiffany Trump aboard a luxury yacht, owned by powerful international executives, starkly illustrates the blurred boundaries between the official duties of government and the private financial interests of the Trump family.
This ‘freewheeling’ diplomatic style, as demonstrated by Mr. Boulos in countries like Lebanon and the Democratic Republic of Congo, has caused apprehension among seasoned diplomats, American allies, and even some within President Trump’s closest confidantes.
Reports from U.S. government officials indicate that Mr. Boulos’s actions have, at times, led to diplomatic friction in sensitive global regions. Senior officials have reportedly advised him to adhere strictly to his defined role and to avoid any appearance of conflating personal business with state diplomacy, especially given that Michael Boulos has openly discussed his pursuit of business ventures in Africa.
Neither Michael Boulos nor Tiffany Trump holds an official government position. Yet, merely weeks after their luxurious yacht excursion, they joined the President on Air Force One for a state visit to Britain. They were present among American dignitaries at Windsor Castle, with Michael Boulos notably attending the state dinner alongside Catherine, Princess of Wales.
While there may be no inherent illegality in a diplomat’s family or the President’s family accepting hospitality on yachts owned by individuals who could benefit from U.S. foreign policy, the situation draws parallels. President Trump previously condemned his predecessor’s son, Hunter Biden, for leveraging his access to power for financial gain. Now, in a similar vein, Mr. Trump, his family, and the offspring of some key advisers have entered into business arrangements with foreign entities and governments directly involved in American diplomatic discussions since his return to office.
Massad Boulos refused to address inquiries regarding the yacht trip. A spokesperson for Michael Boulos and Tiffany Trump likewise remained tight-lipped, characterizing the event as a ‘personal and private vacation.’
A BGN spokeswoman stated that Ms. Bayegan was not aboard the Phoenix 2 at the time, leaving the identity of the Boulos-Trump family’s host ambiguous. ‘Questions about individuals who might have been on the yacht Phoenix 2 have no bearing on BGN’s business dealings in Libya,’ commented spokeswoman Sharon McKoy.
The State Department refrained from commenting on whether its senior officials were informed of the trip. Instead, it issued statements from American diplomats commending Massad Boulos for his work in Africa. Mr. Boulos, for his part, declined to discuss the Mediterranean excursion, choosing instead to defend his professional conduct and assert his dedication to fostering peace and prosperity across Africa.
Despite his lack of prior diplomatic experience—having managed a Nigerian trucking company until recently—Massad Boulos has received public accolades from Trump administration officials. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, for instance, lauded him as a ‘superstar’ for his role in mediating a peace agreement between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
This investigative report draws on interviews with numerous Trump administration officials, career diplomats, foreign dignitaries, and business leaders who have collaborated directly with Massad Boulos during his government service. The majority chose to speak anonymously, fearing repercussions from President Trump.
Mr. Boulos occupies an unusual role within the Trump administration. His direct reporting structure is ambiguous; he holds concurrent positions within both the State Department and the White House, sidestepping Senate confirmation processes, and is not obligated to publicly declare his personal business ventures.
Officials within the White House and State Department, who would typically exert oversight, reportedly find themselves in a challenging predicament. They admit to treading carefully, wary of antagonizing a man now considered a member of the presidential family.
Mr. Boulos, however, refuted claims of diplomatic disagreements. He maintained that the United States presented a unified front and that his engagements with foreign officials were ‘productive, successful, and genuinely appreciated.’
Early Hurdles: A Diplomatic Initiation Marked by Controversy
From the outset of his government service, as the president’s Middle East adviser, Mr. Boulos’s actions raised eyebrows. He engaged with Lebanese officials through unofficial channels and advocated for his favored candidates for key roles within the Lebanese central bank and finance ministry.
In response, State Department diplomats resorted to the unusual measure of instructing Lebanese officials to conduct their diplomatic communications through the official American Embassy, bypassing Mr. Boulos, according to two senior sources.
Later that summer, the White House began receiving calls from Morocco, indicating that Mr. Boulos was attempting to secure a private audience with the king. Unsure of Mr. Boulos’s objectives and seeing no pressing need for such a meeting, American officials discreetly advised Moroccan counterparts to decline his overtures.
This incident followed a widely publicized gaffe in the region, where Mr. Boulos inadvertently implied that President Trump’s meticulously brokered agreement—which led Morocco to normalize relations with Israel—was suddenly up for renegotiation.
Mr. Boulos contended that his remarks on Morocco were misconstrued and denied personally or inappropriately seeking an audience with the king. He affirmed his intention to ‘continue to engage officials at the most senior levels.’
Mr. Boulos’s foray into diplomacy represents another curious chapter for an individual whose official titles have frequently appeared at odds with his actual professional background.
For an extended period, he was widely, but unsubstantiatedly, referred to as a billionaire. State Department personnel address him as ‘Dr. Boulos,’ despite him holding neither a medical doctorate nor a Ph.D. (While he does possess a law degree, the title ‘doctor’ is uncommonly used for lawyers in his native Nigeria.)
Following a brief period as Mr. Trump’s Middle East adviser, he transitioned to the role of the State Department’s senior adviser to Africa, publicly acknowledging his simultaneous service in both capacities.
The most lauded achievement of Mr. Boulos’s diplomatic career is the Rwanda-Congo agreement.
In a recent conflict, forces supported by Rwanda had seized control of Congolese territory, thereby gaining access to highly profitable mines. This resulted in thousands of deaths and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people.
President Trump himself credited Mr. Boulos with playing a pivotal role in brokering the peace deal.
A critical component of the peace initiative involved a mining agreement in Congo’s Rubaya region. This arrangement proposed that an American company would streamline and modernize mining operations, fostering wealth-sharing between Rwanda and Congo instead of conflict. For the U.S., this deal promised to curtail China’s access to vital rare-earth minerals.
The mining agreement appeared to be finalized. Gentry Beach, a Texas investor and close associate of Donald Trump Jr., had secured Rwanda’s consent and was poised to conclude the deal with Congo by late April.
However, even after a formal treaty ceremony in Washington, the mining deal remains unresolved. Meanwhile, clashes between Congolese and Rwanda-backed forces persist.
According to two Trump administration officials and a mining consultant, all of whom directly consulted with the Congolese government, Mr. Boulos is central to this delay. They reported that Mr. Boulos advised the Congolese against finalizing their agreement with Mr. Beach, indicating that he was orchestrating alternative arrangements.
Congo’s mining director declined to comment on any discussions held with the American government.
While Mr. Boulos did not deny impeding the deal, he asserted that negotiations were ongoing. He stated that ‘the Rubaya mining area is one of dozens of mining assets currently under discussion’ and expressed confidence that the Congolese government would eventually sign an agreement at the White House.
Libyan Diplomacy: A Source of Confusion for U.S. Allies
The Boulos-Trump family’s presence on the Phoenix 2 is likely to solidify the emerging belief among Libyan officials and business leaders that Mr. Boulos, in his diplomatic role, is showing favoritism in the nation’s highly fragmented political landscape.
Libya remains deeply divided, with a military general governing the east and an interim administration, led by the Dbeibeh family, controlling the west. This interim government has exceeded its mandate and consistently rejected international demands for elections.
This volatile situation frequently escalates into intense militia-driven conflicts.
From their initial encounters with Mr. Boulos, Libyan officials from opposing factions expressed bewilderment at his apparent lack of regional knowledge. ‘He couldn’t even tell the difference between west and east,’ one official remarked.
During a meeting in Qatar this spring, Mr. Boulos was presented with a remarkable proposition by Ibrahim Dbeibeh, Libya’s national security adviser and the prime minister’s nephew. Dbeibeh suggested that if the U.S. were to release a portion of the $70 billion in Libyan assets frozen in Western banks since before the collapse of Muammar el-Qaddafi’s regime, Libya would award those funds to American companies via construction contracts.
Even entertaining such an arrangement could be perceived as a direct endorsement of the Dbeibeh government by the United States.
A Western diplomat, deeply concerned as news of this discussion circulated, promptly brought the matter to the attention of the State Department.
On the evening of July 23, Mr. Boulos arrived in Tripoli, Libya’s capital. After publicly announcing new oil deals and hinting at future collaborations, he proceeded to a private seaside villa for dinner with Ibrahim Dbeibeh. Notably, unlike his other official engagements in both eastern and western Libya, this meeting was kept from public knowledge.
These actions might simply be indicative of President Trump’s unapologetic diplomatic style, which openly prioritizes securing business opportunities for American corporations, even when dealing with authoritarian leaders.
However, Mr. Boulos has provided inconsistent explanations regarding these events.
Initially, Mr. Boulos denied having dinner at Mr. Dbeibeh’s villa. Only when presented with additional details did he confirm his presence at the dinner.
He stated that ‘diplomatic engagements, whether public or private, occur in diverse environments,’ describing the dinner as a working event attended by State Department diplomats at what he termed a ‘government-owned location.’
Mr. Boulos also vehemently denied any discussion of frozen assets. Yet, after several high-ranking Libyan officials and a U.S. official corroborated that Mr. Dbeibeh had indeed proposed the ‘cash-for-contracts’ concept, Mr. Boulos adjusted his stance, adding: ‘Regardless of any impression some Libyans might wish to convey, this matter is a nonstarter.’
Further complicating matters is Michael Boulos, who has reportedly expressed interest in engaging with Libya’s oil sector, according to two sources, including a family associate who discussed it directly with him. His business aspirations are reportedly well-known within Tripoli’s business circles, as confirmed by prominent Libyan businessman Basit Igtet. (However, a family spokesperson later asserted that Michael Boulos holds no interest in pursuing business in Libya or its oil and gas industry.)
Such business ventures would inherently depend on the backing of the Dbeibeh government.
Basit Igtet, referring to Massad, declared that ‘Libya merits more than a broker like Boulos,’ emphasizing the extreme sensitivity of the nation’s political and economic climate.
Over the summer, disquiet spread among a select group of Trump’s Washington advisers upon learning that the Boulos-Trump family was reportedly vacationing on a Turkish billionaire’s yacht.
Subsequently, Tiffany Trump and her family shared photos and videos revealing over a week of travel between the Phoenix 2 and another yacht, the Magna Grecia. Public records indicate the latter is owned by a vast conglomerate controlled by Greek billionaire Ioannis Papalekas, whose business holdings also include energy sector interests.
An individual involved in the Phoenix 2’s operations, who requested anonymity, confirmed that the Boulos-Trump family did not compensate the Bayegans for their use of the yacht. It is common practice for owners of such large vessels to extend complimentary access to friends, business partners, and their invited guests.
The precise boarding times for the Phoenix 2 and whether overnight stays occurred remain unconfirmed. However, digital traces from ship-tracking services, combined with the Trump family’s social media activity, suggest their presence on board for at least part of the period between July 17 and July 27.
The owner of the Magna Grecia, Mr. Papalekas, also controls a company that operates a private estate on St. Marguerite island. This estate, Le Grand Jardin, historically a residence of Louis XIV, commands rental fees of up to $290,000 per week. Photos corroborate that Ms. Trump and her mother, Marla Maples, visited this estate during their yachting vacation.
Mr. Papalekas was unreachable for comment. His company’s legal representatives in Cyprus accepted inquiries but provided no response.
A telling detail emerged on July 24: just a day after Massad Boulos held discussions with Libyan officials about boosting oil production, Tiffany Trump photographed her husband on the deck of the Phoenix 2, which was then moored at the prestigious Monaco Yacht Club.