Sept. 18, 2025 Updated 6:17 a.m. ET
In July, Massad Boulos journeyed to Libya wearing two hats: officially, as the State Department’s senior Africa adviser, and unofficially, as President Trump’s daughter Tiffany’s father-in-law. This dual role became increasingly significant as he engaged with prominent energy executives and government officials.
His family ties were so well-known that some Libyan officials informally referred to him as ‘Abu Tiffany’ – Arabic for ‘Tiffany’s father’ – behind closed doors.
Meanwhile, as Mr. Boulos announced ambitious plans to boost Libyan oil and gas production and posed for photos, Tiffany Trump and her husband, Michael Boulos, were enjoying a luxurious cruise along the French Riviera. Their mode of transport? One of the world’s grandest superyachts, reportedly owned by a significant broker of Libyan oil.
This opulent vessel, named the Phoenix 2, is a true floating palace, boasting amenities like two helipads, a swimming pool, and an impressive 18-foot bronze figurehead of a flaming phoenix on its bow. While not currently available for hire, its last known charter rate exceeded $1.4 million per week, famed for its exquisite Art Deco interiors and a bespoke Steinway piano.
The Phoenix 2 belongs to billionaire oil traders Ercument and Ruya Bayegan. Notably, Ms. Bayegan’s energy firm, BGN International, stands to gain substantially from any expansion in Libyan oil output.

A photo posted on social media by Tiffany Trump shows her and her husband, Michael Boulos, with a support boat for the Phoenix 2 visible in the background.
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Further investigations reveal how Tiffany Trump’s social media activity provided crucial clues, leading reporters to uncover her vacation aboard an oil magnate’s superyacht.
Massad Boulos spearheads the Trump administration’s diplomatic approach in Africa, which notably favors securing business deals over fostering international goodwill or promoting democracy. The sight of his son and Ms. Trump vacationing on a yacht owned by global billionaire executives underscores the complex and often indistinguishable boundary between governmental objectives and the Trump family’s personal interests.
This ‘freewheeling diplomacy’ conducted by Mr. Boulos in regions like Lebanon and the Democratic Republic of Congo has raised eyebrows among career diplomats, U.S. allies, and even some within Mr. Trump’s inner circle.
American government officials report that his actions have led to diplomatic tensions in sensitive global areas. Senior officials have reportedly advised him to respect established protocols and avoid the appearance of intertwining family business with official diplomatic duties, especially given Michael Boulos’s reported pursuit of business ventures in Africa.
Despite holding no public office, Michael Boulos and Tiffany Trump boarded Air Force One just weeks after their yacht trip, joining the president on a state visit to Britain. They were seen among American dignitaries at Windsor Castle, with Michael Boulos even attending the state dinner alongside Catherine, Princess of Wales.

While it may not be explicitly illegal for a diplomat’s family, or even the president’s, to vacation on yachts owned by individuals who could benefit from U.S. foreign policy, this situation draws parallels to past criticisms. Mr. Trump, while out of office, frequently criticized Hunter Biden for leveraging his access to power for personal gain. Yet, upon his return to the presidency, Mr. Trump, his family, and the children of key advisors reportedly engaged in business dealings with foreign entities that were directly involved in American diplomatic discussions.
Massad Boulos refused to comment on the yacht trip. A spokesperson for Michael Boulos and Tiffany Trump dismissed inquiries, characterizing their time aboard as a ‘personal and private vacation’.
A BGN spokeswoman stated that Ms. Bayegan was not present on the Phoenix 2 during that period, leaving the precise host of the Boulos-Trump family’s visit uncertain. ‘Questions regarding individuals who may have been aboard the yacht Phoenix 2 are unrelated to BGN’s business activities in Libya,’ remarked spokeswoman Sharon McKoy.
The State Department declined to confirm if senior officials were aware of the yacht trip, instead releasing statements from American diplomats commending Massad Boulos’s work in Africa. Mr. Boulos, for his part, avoided discussing the Mediterranean vacation, reiterating his commitment to fostering peace and prosperity across Africa.
Despite his background as a diplomatic newcomer, having previously managed a family-owned Nigerian trucking company, Trump administration officials have publicly lauded Mr. Boulos. Secretary of State Marco Rubio even hailed him as a ‘superstar’ for his role in brokering a peace agreement between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

This report is compiled from interviews with numerous Trump administration officials, diplomats, foreign government representatives, and business leaders who have worked closely with Massad Boulos since his appointment. The majority spoke anonymously, citing concerns about potential repercussions from Mr. Trump.
Mr. Boulos occupies an unusual position within the Trump administration. His reporting structure remains ambiguous, he holds roles in both the State Department and the White House, he was not subject to Senate confirmation, and he is not required to publicly disclose his personal business holdings.
Officials from both the White House and State Department, who would typically oversee such diplomatic activities, find themselves in a delicate situation. They reportedly exercise extreme caution, wary of challenging a man now closely aligned with the president’s family.
Mr. Boulos denied any disputes regarding his diplomatic efforts, asserting that the United States presented a unified front and that his engagements with foreign officials were ‘productive, successful, and met with genuine appreciation’.
Early Challenges Mark His Diplomatic Role
From his initial months in government, concerns about Mr. Boulos’s conduct emerged. As the president’s Middle East adviser, he reportedly bypassed standard diplomatic procedures, holding unauthorized meetings and calls with Lebanese officials, and actively promoting his preferred candidates for key roles within the Lebanese central bank and finance ministry.
In an unusual move, State Department diplomats had to directly request that Lebanese officials channel their diplomatic communications through the American Embassy, rather than through Mr. Boulos, as confirmed by two senior officials.
This past summer, Moroccan officials contacted the White House after Mr. Boulos sought an audience with their king. Unsure of Mr. Boulos’s intentions and seeing no official need for such a meeting, American officials discreetly advised the Moroccans to decline his request.
This incident followed a widely reported gaffe in the region, where Mr. Boulos inadvertently implied that Mr. Trump’s meticulously negotiated agreement, which led to Morocco normalizing relations with Israel, was unexpectedly subject to renegotiation.
Mr. Boulos maintained that his remarks on Morocco were misunderstood and denied improperly seeking a meeting with the king, stating, ‘I have and will continue to engage officials at the most senior levels.’
Mr. Boulos’s foray into diplomacy represents another chapter in a career where his official titles have often not aligned with his actual professional background.
For many years, he was widely referred to as a billionaire, despite a lack of evidence supporting such claims. State Department staff call him ‘Dr. Boulos,’ though he holds neither a medical doctorate nor a Ph.D. (He possesses a law degree, but in his native Nigeria, lawyers are generally not addressed as ‘doctor’).
After serving briefly as Mr. Trump’s Middle East adviser, he transitioned to the role of the State Department’s senior adviser for Africa, publicly maintaining that he holds both positions.
The Rwanda-Congo agreement stands as Mr. Boulos’s most highly-praised diplomatic achievement.
Rwanda-backed forces had seized Congolese territory, gaining control of valuable mines, a conflict that resulted in thousands of deaths and the displacement of hundreds of thousands.
Mr. Trump credited Mr. Boulos as being instrumental in brokering an end to the conflict.
A crucial aspect of the peace initiative involved a mining agreement in Congo’s Rubaya region. This deal proposed that an American company would formalize and industrialize mining operations, enabling Rwanda and Congo to share the profits instead of clashing over resources. For the United States, this meant limiting China’s access to vital rare-earth minerals.
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The mining deal appeared to be finalized. Gentry Beach, a Texas investor and close associate of Donald Trump Jr., had secured Rwanda’s approval and was on the verge of concluding an agreement with Congo by late April.
However, despite an official treaty signing ceremony in Washington, the mining agreement remains unresolved. Skirmishes between Congolese and Rwanda-backed forces persist.
According to two Trump administration officials and a mining industry consultant, all of whom directly engaged with the Congolese government on this matter, Mr. Boulos is the central figure behind the delay. They allege that Mr. Boulos advised the Congolese against finalizing the deal with Mr. Beach, claiming he was orchestrating alternative arrangements.
Congo’s mining director refrained from commenting on discussions with the American government.
Mr. Boulos did not explicitly deny obstructing the deal but affirmed that negotiations were ongoing. He stated that ‘The Rubaya mining area is one of dozens of mining assets that are being discussed,’ and expressed confidence that the Congolese would eventually sign an agreement at the White House.
U.S. Allies Express Confusion Over Mr. Boulos’s Diplomacy in Libya
The Boulos-Trump family’s luxury cruise on the Phoenix 2 is expected to solidify a prevailing sentiment among Libyan officials and business leaders: that Mr. Boulos, in his diplomatic capacity, is overtly siding with particular factions in the nation’s turbulent political landscape.
Libya remains deeply fractured, with a military general governing the east and an interim government, led by the Dbeibeh family, controlling the west. The interim government has exceeded its mandate and consistently resisted international pressure for elections.
This precarious situation renders Libya highly volatile, with frequent outbreaks of militia-driven violence.
From their very first encounter, Libyan officials from opposing factions expressed bewilderment at Mr. Boulos’s apparent lack of regional understanding. One official remarked, ‘He couldn’t differentiate between west and east.’
In the spring, during a meeting in Qatar, Mr. Boulos was presented with an extraordinary proposition by Libya’s national security adviser, Ibrahim Dbeibeh, the prime minister’s nephew. Mr. Dbeibeh suggested that if the United States unblocked a portion of the $70 billion in sanctioned Libyan assets held in Western banks since the fall of Muammar el-Qaddafi, Libya would direct those funds towards American companies for construction projects.
Even entertaining such an arrangement could be perceived as implicit American endorsement of the Dbeibeh government, a controversial stance.
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One Western diplomat, deeply troubled by the circulating rumors of this discussion, reportedly brought the matter to the attention of the State Department.
On the evening of July 23rd, Mr. Boulos arrived in Tripoli, Libya’s capital. Following announcements of new oil deals and promises of further collaboration, he proceeded to a private seaside villa for dinner with Ibrahim Dbeibeh. Notably, unlike his other official engagements, this meeting was kept from public view.
These events could simply be a reflection of Mr. Trump’s characteristic diplomatic style, which openly favors securing business agreements for American companies, even when dealing with authoritarian leaders.
However, Mr. Boulos’s own statements on the matter have been inconsistent.
Initially, Mr. Boulos denied having dinner at Mr. Dbeibeh’s villa. Yet, when presented with additional details, he confirmed his attendance.
He explained that ‘Diplomatic engagements, both public and private in nature, take place in a variety of settings.’ He described it as a working dinner, asserting that State Department diplomats were present at the villa, which he referred to as a ‘government-owned location.’
Mr. Boulos also vehemently denied any discussion of frozen assets. However, after several high-ranking Libyan officials and a U.S. official corroborated that Mr. Dbeibeh had indeed proposed the cash-for-contracts idea, Mr. Boulos then stated, ‘Whatever perception some Libyans may hope to create, this issue is a nonstarter.’
Adding another layer of complexity is Michael Boulos, who, according to two sources including a family associate who spoke with him directly, has expressed interest in engaging with Libya’s oil industry. This interest is reportedly well-known within Tripoli’s business circles, as stated by prominent Libyan businessman Basit Igtet. (However, a family spokesman has since denied Michael Boulos’s interest in Libyan business or the oil and gas sector).
Such business endeavors would inherently require the backing of the Dbeibeh government.
Basit Igtet, a prominent Libyan businessman, criticized the situation, stating, ‘Libya deserves better than a broker like Boulos. The situation is just too sensitive.’
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Throughout the summer, a select group of Trump advisors in Washington grew concerned after reports surfaced that the Boulos-Trump family was traveling on a Turkish billionaire’s yacht.
Subsequently, Tiffany Trump and her family shared photos and videos revealing over a week spent hopping between the Phoenix 2 and another yacht, the Magna Grecia. Public records indicate the latter is owned by a vast conglomerate controlled by Greek billionaire Ioannis Papalekas, whose company also holds stakes in the energy industry.
An anonymous source involved in the Phoenix 2’s operations confirmed that the Boulos-Trump family did not compensate the Bayegans for their stay on the yacht, noting that owners of such large vessels frequently extend invitations to friends, associates, and their guests.
The precise dates of their boarding the Phoenix 2 and whether they stayed overnight remain ambiguous. However, digital traces from ship-tracking services and social media posts by the Trump family suggest they were aboard between July 17 and July 27.
Mr. Papalekas, owner of the Magna Grecia, also controls a company managing Le Grand Jardin, a private estate on St. Marguerite island once owned by Louis XIV, which commands rentals of up to $290,000 weekly. Photos confirm Ms. Trump and her mother, Marla Maples, visited this estate during their yacht vacation.
Mr. Papalekas was unavailable for comment. His company’s Cypriot legal representatives acknowledged inquiries but provided no response.
On July 24th, just a day after Massad Boulos’s discussions with Libyan officials about boosting oil production, Ms. Trump shared a photo of her husband on the deck of the Phoenix 2, moored at the prestigious Monaco Yacht Club.
Additional reporting for this article was provided by Riley Mellen, Julie Tate, and Maggie Haberman.