In July, Massad Boulos, President Trump’s senior Africa adviser for the State Department, embarked on a diplomatic mission to Libya. While engaging with energy executives and government leaders, his powerful connection as Tiffany Trump’s father-in-law added an unspoken layer of significance to his role.
This family tie was so prominent that some Libyan officials reportedly referred to him as “Abu Tiffany,” an Arabic term meaning “Tiffany’s father.”
While Mr. Boulos was busy posing for photographs and announcing agreements to boost Libya’s oil and gas production, Tiffany Trump and her husband, Michael Boulos, were enjoying the opulence of the French Riviera. Their luxurious Mediterranean cruise took place aboard one of the world’s largest superyachts, a vessel owned by a major broker of Libyan oil.
The yacht, named the Phoenix 2, is a true floating palace, boasting two helipads, a swimming pool, and an impressive 18-foot bronze figurehead depicting a flaming phoenix. This exclusive vessel is not available for charter, but its last known rental price exceeded $1.4 million per week, renowned for its Art Deco interior and custom Steinway piano.
Image: The Phoenix 2, a magnificent megayacht, is seen docked in Zadar, Croatia, in 2023. This luxurious vessel is reportedly owned by petrochemical magnates Ercument and Ruya Bayegan, whose energy company stands to gain significantly from increased Libyan oil production. (Credit: Dino Stanin/Pixsell, via Sipa USA, via Associated Press)
The Phoenix 2 belongs to billionaire oil traders Ercument and Ruya Bayegan. Notably, Ms. Bayegan’s energy company, BGN International, stands to profit directly from any expansion in Libyan oil production.
Image: Tiffany Trump shared this photo on social media, featuring her and her husband, Michael Boulos, with a support boat for the Phoenix 2 visible in the background. (Credit: Instagram)
Massad Boulos has become the public face of the Trump administration’s Africa strategy, which often prioritizes securing business deals over traditional diplomacy and democratic promotion. The presence of his son and Tiffany Trump on a lavish yacht owned by influential international executives highlights the blurred lines between government interests and the personal affairs of the Trump family.
Career diplomats, American allies, and even some within Mr. Trump’s inner circle have voiced concerns over Mr. Boulos’s sometimes unrestrained diplomatic activities in Lebanon, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and other regions.
American government officials have stated that his actions have led to diplomatic friction in politically sensitive areas worldwide. Senior officials have reportedly advised him to stay within his designated role and avoid any appearance of mixing family business with state diplomacy, especially given reports that Michael Boulos has been pursuing business ventures in Africa.
Neither Michael Boulos nor Tiffany Trump holds public office. Yet, merely weeks after their yacht excursion, they boarded Air Force One for a state visit to Britain with the President. They were among the American dignitaries present at Windsor Castle, where Michael Boulos even attended the state dinner alongside Catherine, Princess of Wales.
Image: Michael Boulos (left), despite holding no government position, is seen toasting Catherine, Princess of Wales, as a dignitary during a state dinner, weeks after his luxury yacht trip. (Credit: Doug Mills/The New York Times)
While there’s nothing inherently illegal about a diplomat’s or president’s family traveling on yachts owned by individuals who could benefit from U.S. foreign policy, this situation echoes past criticisms. Mr. Trump himself spent years condemning Hunter Biden, his predecessor’s son, for leveraging his proximity to power for personal gain. However, upon returning to office, Mr. Trump, his family, and children of top advisers have similarly engaged in business dealings with foreign governments and companies subject to American diplomacy.
Massad Boulos declined to comment on the yacht trip, as did a spokesperson for Michael Boulos and Tiffany Trump, who described it as a “personal and private vacation.”
A BGN spokeswoman clarified that Ms. Bayegan was not aboard the Phoenix 2 at the time, leaving the identity of the host for the Boulos-Trump family unclear. “Inquiries about individuals who may have been on board the yacht Phoenix 2 are not relevant to BGN’s business operations in Libya,” stated spokeswoman Sharon McKoy.
The State Department refrained from commenting on whether senior officials were aware of the trip but issued statements praising Massad Boulos’s efforts in Africa. Mr. Boulos himself refused to discuss the Mediterranean vacation, instead defending his diplomatic record and asserting his commitment to peace and prosperity in Africa.
Trump administration officials have publicly commended Mr. Boulos, a diplomatic novice who, until this year, managed a family-owned Nigerian trucking company. Secretary of State Marco Rubio hailed him as a “superstar” for his role in brokering a peace accord between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Image: President Trump is shown signing a letter of congratulations at the White House in June, with Massad Boulos (right) present, after the successful brokering of a peace accord between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. (Credit: Joe Raedle/Getty Images)
This report is based on interviews with numerous Trump administration officials, diplomats, foreign officials, and business leaders who have worked directly with Massad Boulos since he entered government. Most spoke anonymously to avoid potential repercussions from Mr. Trump.
Mr. Boulos holds a unique position within the Trump administration, with an unclear immediate superior and roles in both the State Department and the White House. He did not require Senate confirmation and is not obligated to publicly disclose his business interests.
White House and State Department officials find themselves in a delicate situation, wary of challenging someone now considered part of the president’s family. They reportedly tread cautiously to avoid conflict.
Mr. Boulos has denied any diplomatic disagreements, stating that the United States speaks with a unified voice and that his engagements with foreign officials have been “productive, successful and welcomed with genuine appreciation.”
His diplomatic tenure got off to a rocky start.
Concerns about Mr. Boulos’s diplomatic approach emerged early in his government service. As the president’s Middle East adviser, he held meetings and calls with Lebanese officials outside conventional diplomatic channels, actively promoting his preferred candidates for top positions within the Lebanese central bank and finance ministry.
In response, State Department diplomats took the unusual step of instructing Lebanese officials to conduct their diplomatic communications through the American Embassy, rather than directly with Mr. Boulos, according to two senior officials.
This past summer, White House officials received calls from Morocco regarding Mr. Boulos’s attempts to secure an audience with the king. Unsure of Mr. Boulos’s agenda and seeing no apparent need for such a meeting, American officials discreetly advised the Moroccans to decline the request.
This incident followed an earlier misstep, widely reported in the region, where Mr. Boulos inadvertently suggested that Mr. Trump’s carefully negotiated deal for Morocco to normalize relations with Israel might be open for renegotiation.
Mr. Boulos maintained that his comments on Morocco were taken out of context and that he never personally or improperly sought a meeting with the king. He affirmed his commitment to engaging officials at the highest levels.
Mr. Boulos’s journey into diplomacy adds another unusual chapter to a career where his titles haven’t always aligned with his background.
For years, he was referred to as a billionaire, despite a lack of evidence supporting this claim. State Department officials address him as “Dr. Boulos,” even though he holds neither a medical degree nor a Ph.D. (He does possess a law degree, but in his home country of Nigeria, lawyers are typically not addressed as “doctor.”)
After a brief period as Mr. Trump’s Middle East adviser, he transitioned to become the State Department’s senior adviser to Africa, publicly identifying himself as serving in both capacities.
Mr. Boulos’s most notable diplomatic achievement is the Rwanda-Congo agreement.
In this conflict, Rwanda-backed troops had occupied Congolese territory, giving them control over lucrative mines. The violence resulted in thousands dead and hundreds of thousands displaced.
According to Mr. Trump, Mr. Boulos played a pivotal role in negotiating an end to the conflict.
A key component of the peace deal was an agreement concerning mining in Congo’s Rubaya region. The plan involved an American company formalizing and industrializing mining operations, allowing Rwanda and Congo to share the wealth rather than fight over it. For the United States, this meant an opportunity to curb China’s access to valuable rare-earth minerals.
Image: Mining operations are underway in Rubaya, eastern Congo, in May. Earlier this year, Rwanda-backed forces seized Congolese territory, gaining control of its rich mineral and gold mines. (Credit: Moses Sawasawa/Associated Press)
The mining arrangement appeared to be finalized. Gentry Beach, a Texas investor and close friend of Donald Trump Jr., secured Rwanda’s agreement and was poised to conclude a deal with Congo by late April.
However, despite a treaty signing ceremony in Washington, the mining deal remains unresolved, and fighting between Congolese and Rwanda-backed forces has persisted.
According to two Trump administration officials and a mining industry consultant, all of whom directly consulted with the Congolese government, Mr. Boulos is responsible for the delay. They reported that Mr. Boulos urged the Congolese to not finalize the agreement with Mr. Beach, suggesting he was arranging alternative deals.
Congo’s mining director declined to discuss conversations with the American government.
Mr. Boulos did not deny obstructing the deal, stating only that negotiations were ongoing. He claimed that the Rubaya mining area was just one of many assets under discussion and that Congo would eventually sign an agreement at the White House.
In Libya, Mr. Boulos’s diplomacy has puzzled U.S. allies.
The Boulos-Trump family’s time aboard the Phoenix 2 is likely to deepen concerns among Libyan officials and business leaders that Mr. Boulos, in his diplomatic role, is showing favoritism in the country’s turbulent political landscape.
Libya is currently divided, with a military general governing the east and a caretaker interim government controlling the west. The interim government, led by the Dbeibeh family, has extended its tenure beyond its mandate and resisted international calls for elections.
This political instability makes Libya a volatile nation, frequently erupting into militia-fueled violence.
From their initial meetings with Mr. Boulos, Libyan officials from both sides of the divide expressed bewilderment at his apparent lack of knowledge. One official commented that he “couldn’t differentiate between west and east.”
This spring, Mr. Boulos met in Qatar with Libya’s national security adviser, Ibrahim Dbeibeh. Mr. Dbeibeh, the prime minister’s nephew, presented an extraordinary proposal: if the United States were to unfreeze some of the $70 billion in Libyan assets sanctioned and held in Western banks since before the fall of Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi’s dictatorship, Libya would commit that money to American companies through construction contracts.
Merely entertaining such an arrangement could be interpreted as American endorsement of the Dbeibeh government.
Image: Mr. Boulos is seen addressing the news media in Doha, Qatar. His most acclaimed diplomatic achievement, the Rwanda-Congo peace agreement, has since encountered delays. (Credit: Karim Jaafar/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images)
One Western diplomat became so alarmed by rumors of this discussion that he directly conveyed his concerns to the State Department.
Then, on the evening of July 23, Mr. Boulos arrived in Tripoli, Libya’s capital. After announcing new oil deals and promising more, he proceeded to a seaside villa for a private dinner with Ibrahim Dbeibeh. Unlike his other official meetings in the east and west, this one was not publicly disclosed.
These actions could simply reflect Mr. Trump’s characteristic diplomatic style, which openly prioritizes business deals for American companies, even when dealing with strongmen and autocratic regimes.
However, Mr. Boulos has offered contradictory statements on the matter.
Initially, Mr. Boulos denied dining at Mr. Dbeibeh’s villa. When presented with further details about the dinner, he admitted to being there.
He explained that “diplomatic engagements, both public and private in nature, take place in a variety of settings.” He described it as a working dinner, noting that State Department diplomats had accompanied him to the villa, which he characterized as “a government-owned location.”
Mr. Boulos also unequivocally denied discussing frozen assets. Yet, after several high-ranking Libyan officials and a U.S. official confirmed that Mr. Dbeibeh had indeed proposed the cash-for-contracts idea, Mr. Boulos added, “Whatever perception some Libyans may hope to create, this issue is a nonstarter.”
Adding to the concerns is Michael Boulos, who has reportedly expressed interest in pursuing business in Libya’s oil industry, according to two sources, including a family associate who discussed it with him directly. Michael Boulos’s business aspirations are also widely known within Tripoli’s business community, as noted by prominent Libyan businessman Basit Igtet. (A family spokesman has denied that Michael Boulos has any interest in Libyan business or the oil and gas sector.)
Any such business ventures would likely require the explicit support of the Dbeibeh government.
“Libya deserves better than a broker like Boulos,” Mr. Igtet remarked, referring to Massad. “The situation is just too sensitive.”
Image: Benghazi, located in northeastern Libya, pictured in 2024. The country remains divided, with a military general controlling the east and an interim caretaker government in the west. The region experiences frequent outbreaks of militia-fueled violence. (Credit: Mauricio Lima for The New York Times)
Over the summer, a small group of Trump advisers in Washington grew concerned upon hearing that the Boulos-Trump family was vacationing on a Turkish billionaire’s yacht.
Subsequently, Tiffany Trump and her family shared photographs and videos online, revealing over a week of travel between the Phoenix 2 and another yacht, the Magna Grecia. Records indicate the latter is owned by a large conglomerate controlled by Greek billionaire Ioannis Papalekas, whose company also holds interests in the energy sector.
An individual involved in the Phoenix 2’s operations, speaking anonymously, stated that the Boulos-Trump family did not pay the Bayegans for their time on the yacht. It is common practice for owners of such large yachts to offer access to friends, associates, and their guests.
The exact dates of their boarding and whether they stayed overnight remain unclear. However, digital evidence from ship-tracking websites and the Trump family’s social media posts suggest they were aboard during at least the period of July 17 to July 27.
Mr. Papalekas, owner of the Magna Grecia, also has a controlling stake in a company that manages a private estate on St. Marguerite island. This estate, known as Le Grand Jardin, once served as a residence for Louis XIV and commands rental rates of up to $290,000 per week. Photographs show that Ms. Trump and her mother, Marla Maples, also spent time at this estate during their yacht trip.
Mr. Papalekas could not be reached for comment. His company’s Cypriot lawyers acknowledged inquiries but did not respond.
On July 24, just one day after Massad Boulos met with Libyan officials to discuss increasing oil output, Ms. Trump posted a picture of her husband on the deck of the Phoenix 2, which was docked at the exclusive Monaco Yacht Club.
Riley Mellen, Julie Tate, and Maggie Haberman contributed to this report.