Syria is set to hold its inaugural parliamentary elections this Sunday, a pivotal moment occurring just ten months after rebel forces, led by the current president, Ahmed al-Shara, successfully overthrew Bashar al-Assad, bringing an end to the nation’s devastating civil war.
For many, these elections signal a hopeful stride towards democracy, offering a stark contrast to over five decades of authoritarian rule under the Assad family. However, a significant number of observers are vocal in their skepticism, suggesting that the vote is far from representative. Critics argue that President al-Shara is orchestrating these elections primarily to consolidate his authority, especially considering his direct appointment of one-third of the 210 parliamentary members.
Notably, the elections will not encompass the entire country. Regions in the northeast, specifically parts of Raqqa and Hasakah Provinces governed by a Kurdish-led administration, are excluded from the process. Furthermore, the southern province of Sweida, which experienced violent clashes between Bedouin tribes and the Druse religious minority this summer, resulting in numerous fatalities, will also be unrepresented.
While the ultimate authority of the new Parliament remains uncertain, for a country emerging from prolonged dictatorship and war, these elections undeniably signify a crucial juncture.
Here’s an overview of what to expect from the vote:
How will the election be run?
The Syrian government has stated that direct voting for candidates is not feasible due to significant administrative hurdles following the civil war. Many citizens still lack proper identification or remain displaced from their homes, posing immense logistical challenges.
To manage the process, President al-Shara’s administration established an electoral committee. This committee, in turn, appointed regional bodies responsible for selecting members of local electoral councils. These councils then vetted candidates and will cast votes on Sunday to fill two-thirds of the new parliamentary seats. The remaining 70 lawmakers will be directly appointed by the president.
The election results are anticipated to be announced on Monday.
Can anyone run for Parliament?
Following decades of oppressive dictatorship and the devastating civil war, the electoral committee implemented strict rules on who could run for Parliament. This notably excluded anyone linked to or supportive of the former Assad regime, including ex-parliamentarians, unless they had officially resigned or defected.
The exclusion criteria also covered individuals with criminal records, those under 25 years of age, anyone involved with terrorist organizations, and those who advocated for separatism, partition, or sought foreign intervention.
Furthermore, individuals who did not possess Syrian citizenship before 2011, the year the civil war began, were also barred. This decision likely aims to exclude foreign fighters, many from Iran-backed militias, who were granted citizenship for their support of the Assad regime.
Is the election expected to move Syria closer to democracy?
Not all groups share the optimistic view.
The Kurdish-led autonomous government in northeast Syria, for instance, has vehemently criticized the elections. They view it as merely “an attempt to reproduce the exclusionary policies that have governed Syria for decades,” arguing that the vote lacks broad representation and marginalizes many communities. They have called upon the international community and the United Nations to withhold recognition of these elections.
Negotiations between the Kurdish leadership and President al-Shara’s government to integrate their military and civilian operations have currently stalled.
Samy Akil, a nonresident fellow at the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy in Washington, believes the electoral process is being rushed.
Concerns also linger regarding the actual independence of the Parliament and its ability to enact laws or serve as a check on President al-Shara and his cabinet. Akil notes that the government has already shown instances of not fully adhering to new legal provisions outlined in the interim Constitution passed in March, such as bypassing parliamentary approval for certain decisions.
“It’s a process of rubber-stamping and projecting legitimacy, at least internally,” Akil stated.
He further suggested that with President al-Shara directly appointing a significant portion of the Parliament, the election could serve as a means to reward individuals he deems politically important. These individuals might not be suitable for key ministerial roles, but a parliamentary seat offers a way to acknowledge their influence.
Despite these reservations, some still view the mere act of holding an election as a sign of progress.
Civil society organizations involved in training the electoral colleges have defended the process, asserting it is the most viable option given the current circumstances. Abdullah El-Hafi, director of the Local Administration Councils Unit, a governance advocacy group, admitted, “Of course, we would all hope for open elections.”
However, he highlighted the severe lack of essential infrastructure needed for broader elections, such as unified civil registries or even established voting laws. El-Hafi explained that similar electoral models, albeit with partial success, have been employed in other countries undergoing political transitions. “It is not the ideal situation, but it is the situation that is possible now,” he concluded.
Sumaya Hilal, a pharmacist from Damascus and a member of the electoral council, expressed the profound significance of this moment for recently displaced Syrians like herself, now participating within the Parliament building. “Here we are, on the verge of laying the first foundation for building a state of law,” she later conveyed via text message. “We dreamed of voting for whomever we wanted.”
“It is a great responsibility, and our consolation is that the Syrians are determined to succeed,” she added.
How is Syria’s broader political transition going?
In March, President al-Shara announced the formation of a caretaker government, appointing close allies to critical ministries including defense, foreign affairs, and the interior.
These officials are expected to remain in their positions until full elections can be conducted, a process President al-Shara estimates could span up to four years.
Even as the interim government seeks to distance itself from the brutal legacy of the Assad family’s rule, concerns persist about President al-Shara’s leadership style, which many believe is rooted in authoritarianism.
An interim constitution unveiled in March solidified a strong presidential system, granting extensive executive power to President al-Shara, including the authority to appoint Supreme Court judges and one-third of parliamentary members. While his government includes ministers from minority groups and one woman, he primarily relies on a tight-knit circle of loyalists from his time leading the Islamist rebel group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham.
This limited representation and concentrated decision-making among his allies have fueled distrust towards him and his government, particularly among Syria’s diverse religious and ethnic minority communities such as the Kurds, Christians, Alawites, and Druse.