Abdul Gani Bhat, a respected Kashmiri separatist leader known for his decades-long advocacy of moderation and open dialogue with New Delhi in the disputed Muslim-majority region of Kashmir, passed away on September 17 at his home in Botingoo village, Kashmir, at the age of 93.
The photo shows Abdul Gani Bhat, centered, in New Delhi in 2004. His speeches often intertwined poetry with sharp commentary, establishing him as one of the separatist movement’s most distinctive voices.
His family confirmed that Mr. Bhat had been battling kidney problems. His funeral was held on the day of his passing, a measure directed by Kashmiri authorities to prevent any potential unrest in the region’s picturesque, mountainous valley.
Fondly referred to by his admirers as “the Professor,” Mr. Bhat initially pursued a law degree. However, he dedicated most of his professional life to academia as a scholar of Persian literature at colleges throughout Kashmir. As an educator, he was widely recognized for fostering discussions on critical thinking, particularly concerning the unfolding events in the Himalayan region.
In 1986, a tense period in regional politics, Mr. Bhat was dismissed from his position at Government Degree College in Sopore after provincial officials accused him of posing a threat to state security. He later shared with Al Jazeera that he felt “sacrificed at the altar of secularism to propitiate the powers in Delhi.”
“They felt they were dismissing block presidents, not knowing we were professors and teachers, people who could float an idea and create awareness which could even lead to a revolution,” he recalled.
Following his dismissal, Mr. Bhat co-founded the Muslim United Front, an alliance of Islamic and political factions that participated in the 1987 state elections. Allegations of widespread rigging by India ignited a full-blown insurgency, escalating years of simmering tensions and minor skirmishes. This period marked a significant turning point of armed rebellion against Indian rule, which government figures indicate has since claimed approximately 41,000 lives. However, local and international human rights organizations estimate the death toll to be closer to 70,000.
Like many opposition leaders, Mr. Bhat was incarcerated, only to be released nine months later. He emerged, as he put it, convinced that while violence may have been an initial necessity—“we are grateful to our boys, who took up arms and made our cause felt and voice heard,” he told Al Jazeera—politics and diplomacy held a more crucial and lasting role in the future.
This conviction positioned Mr. Bhat as a rare voice of moderation within Kashmir’s separatist movement, which had largely been characterized by militancy and uncompromising rhetoric. At a time when many Kashmiri leaders rejected engagement with India, he consistently argued that dialogue was indispensable for resolving the decades-old conflict over Kashmir, where a significant portion of the populace sought either independence or alignment with Pakistan.
In speeches delivered with sharp wit and insightful aphorisms, Mr. Bhat maintained that Kashmir’s future could not be determined on the battlefield or through street protests and strikes, but exclusively through negotiation. Even after his younger brother, Mohammad Sultan Bhat, was killed by pro-Pakistan militants in 1996, he continued to denounce acts of retribution.
“In movements and in politics,” he famously said, “one has to drink a cup of venom silently.”
In the early 1990s, Mr. Bhat played a pivotal role in establishing the All Parties Hurriyat Conference, an umbrella organization for pro-independence and pro-Pakistan parties in Kashmir. Over the years, the Hurriyat evolved into the most prominent political force for separatism, even as armed groups held sway on the ground.
He assumed the chairmanship of the conference in 1999 and, in the subsequent years, engaged in unprecedented discussions with Indian leaders, including Prime Ministers Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh. This period marked a rare moment of cautious engagement and hope.
Mr. Bhat’s stature was widely acknowledged within India’s corridors of power. He, along with other Kashmiri leaders, graced the cover of “Kashmir: The Vajpayee Years,” a memoir penned by A.S. Dulat, India’s former intelligence chief, who later described him as “a friend, philosopher and guide.”
Despite the significance of his discussions with Indian leaders, Mr. Bhat’s efforts did not result in any direct political outcomes. In the final decade of his life, his influence waned as the separatist camp became fractured and New Delhi adopted an even harder stance on Kashmir.
The Hindu nationalist government in New Delhi’s revocation of the region’s limited autonomy in August 2019, followed by a sweeping crackdown on dissent, further diminished Hurriyat’s relevance. Mr. Bhat maintained a lower profile but steadfastly continued to argue that dialogue remained the only viable path forward.
Mr. Bhat in the foreground in 2001. “Rigidity breaks,” he often remarked. “Flexibility survives.”
Abdul Gani Bhat was born in 1932 in Botingoo to Bakhti Begum and Haji Habibullah Bhat, who, despite being illiterate, served as the headman of the village.
After completing his undergraduate studies at Sri Pratap College in Srinagar, Kashmir, Mr. Bhat pursued degrees in Persian language and law at Aligarh Muslim University in Uttar Pradesh, India. Upon returning to Kashmir, he practiced law briefly before transitioning into academia. He became a lecturer and later a professor of Persian, dedicating nearly two decades to teaching at various colleges across Kashmir.
He is survived by his wife, Zoona Begum, and their three sons.
Over the years, some hard-liners within the separatist camp criticized Mr. Bhat for being too conciliatory, even perceived as soft. In 2011, he caused a stir in the region by publicly acknowledging that separatist groups themselves, not India, were responsible for the political assassinations of other separatist leaders in the 1990s.
Nevertheless, his preference for engagement and his intellectual approach—characterized by liberal doses of mordant humor and Persian couplets—set him apart in a political struggle often dominated by fiery orators and rigid ideologues. He distributed blame even-handedly among leaders in India, Pakistan, and the Hurriyat. “Rigidity breaks,” he liked to say. “Flexibility survives.”