Decades ago, they stood shoulder-to-shoulder with Daniel Ortega, battling to overthrow an entrenched dictatorship in Nicaragua. These were the Sandinistas, freedom fighters of the 1970s, united by a common cause.
Many continued their allegiance, serving under Ortega during his first presidency in the 1980s, and again when he returned to power almost two decades ago.
Today, however, the landscape has drastically shifted. These very same loyalists, once close confidantes, now face accusations of various crimes, finding themselves either imprisoned or confined to house arrest.
From founding members of the Sandinista Party’s national leadership to high-ranking military officials and even a member of their own family, President Ortega and his powerful wife, co-president Rosario Murillo, are systematically eliminating their closest former friends and allies.
In a nation already notorious for arbitrary detentions and a stifling lack of political freedom, the imprisonment of these veteran Sandinista figures signals a chilling escalation. It’s a calculated offensive against anyone perceived as a threat to the ruling couple’s absolute authority.
Intriguingly, this systematic dismantling of the leftist Sandinista party’s inner circle seems less an initiative of Mr. Ortega and more a campaign orchestrated by Ms. Murillo. Widely regarded as the true power behind the throne, she has been instrumental in transforming Nicaragua into one of Latin America’s most repressive regimes.
Over the past year, Ms. Murillo has aggressively expanded her control. This includes pushing through constitutional amendments widely seen as a blatant power grab, establishing a new paramilitary force fiercely loyal to the government, and completely dismantling the judiciary to grant the presidency absolute sway over the courts.
Analysts suggest her actions are designed to neutralize all potential rivals, clearing a path for her to eventually seize sole authoritarian leadership of Nicaragua.
“They are purging people in key positions,” observed Alberto Cortés, a Nicaragua expert at the University of Costa Rica. “The pervasive question now is: ‘Am I next?’”
Bayardo Arce, a former guerrilla revolutionary who later became an economic adviser, was the final remaining member of the original nine Sandinista commanders from the 1980s. For over 50 years, he stayed by Mr. Ortega’s side, even as others deserted the party, citing corruption and authoritarianism within its leadership. Many of those who left faced arrest or exile.
But even this last steadfast loyalist has now fallen.
In July, the 76-year-old Arce was arrested, with prosecutors claiming he ignored a summons regarding alleged irregularities with his properties. Arce has long been a contentious figure, known for accumulating significant wealth despite publicly advocating leftist ideals and holding ambiguously defined government roles.
His unexpected arrest this summer, according to experts, served as a stark reminder that no one in Nicaragua is beyond the reach of the presidential couple’s relentless pursuit of absolute power.
Many believe his downfall was orchestrated by Ms. Murillo herself. After years as an indefatigably diligent first lady, she ascended to vice president in 2017, and then, earlier this year, took on the unprecedented role of ‘co-president.’
With Mr. Ortega nearing 80, analysts suggest his 74-year-old wife is obsessively driven to eliminate any and all rivals.
Requests for comment from Ms. Murillo went unanswered.
Nestor Moncada Lau, a national security adviser widely implicated in the brutal suppression of 2018 protests, has been held in the national penitentiary since August 16. His imprisonment followed questioning about a property confiscation, as reported by Confidencial, a Nicaraguan newspaper based in Costa Rica.
May saw retired Brigadier General Álvaro Baltodano Cantarero sentenced to 20 years for treason, with all his assets confiscated. Similarly, Henry Ruiz, another of the original nine Sandinista commanders like Mr. Arce, was placed under house arrest in March, though no public charges were announced.
President Ortega’s own brother, Humberto Ortega, who commanded the army during the Sandinistas’ initial period in power, passed away in September after four months under house arrest. His detention came after he publicly labeled his brother a dictator.
Rumors also circulated about the arrest of Lenin Cerna, a former colonel who once headed the notorious state security agency in the 1980s. However, Nicaraguan media indicated that similar reports in the past had turned out to be false.
“While purges are not new, the targeting of such exceptionally prominent loyalists is a novel development,” stated Karen Kampwirth, a political science professor at Knox College in Illinois, currently penning a biography of Ms. Murillo. “I believe her strategy stems from a realization that she holds no legitimacy among the ‘historic’ Sandinistas—those who emerged from the guerrilla struggle.”
This campaign, experts explain, appears specifically aimed at former guerrilla fighters who command respect within the armed forces and among long-standing party members.
Ms. Kampwirth suggests that Murillo fears that if figures like Mr. Arce retain influence, veteran party members within the military might rally behind them after Mr. Ortega’s passing.
“A faction within the military could potentially rally around such figures,” she remarked, adding pointedly, “But no one is going to coalesce behind her.”
Mr. Cortés, from the University of Costa Rica, speculates whether Ms. Murillo’s aggressive maneuvers might backfire, potentially inciting military loyalists to turn against her.
Ms. Murillo and Mr. Ortega first crossed paths in the 1970s amidst the Sandinista rebels’ armed struggle against the Somozas, a right-wing dynastic dictatorship that had controlled Nicaragua for over four decades.
Despite their decades-long partnership, and her crucial role in operating safe houses during their clandestine years, Ms. Murillo never attained a formal rebel leadership position and isn’t traditionally regarded as a significant revolutionary figure.
Nevertheless, upon Mr. Ortega’s return to the presidency in 2007, Ms. Murillo emerged as the undeniable power behind his administration. Her relentless work ethic and meticulous involvement in every detail—from serving as government spokeswoman to distributing land titles—often created tension with veteran party leaders who remained loyal to Mr. Ortega.
Over their nearly two decades in power, beyond merely ousting opponents, the couple has been accused of widespread election rigging and consolidating absolute control over both the national assembly and the Supreme Court.
“She understands she lacks the inherent political strength Daniel possesses to maintain power,” stated Dora María Téllez, a former Sandinista health minister who broke with the party years ago, was imprisoned in 2021, and now resides in exile in Spain.
With the separation of powers effectively abolished, all governmental branches now report directly to Ms. Murillo, according to Ms. Téllez. Murillo spearheaded the constitutional amendments that established the ‘co-president’ position; remarkably, despite holding this title since January, no successor has been appointed to her former role as vice president.
Laureano, one of the couple’s sons, is widely perceived as being groomed for succession. An opera singer, he has served as an international investment adviser and plays a crucial role in Nicaragua’s dealings with China, Russia, and Iran.
Yet, even Laureano has not been chosen to fill the vacant vice presidency, a fact experts highlight as further evidence of Ms. Murillo’s singular ambition to be the undisputed successor to her husband.
Ms. Murillo’s intense focus on succession aligns with persistent rumors regarding Mr. Ortega’s deteriorating health. In his infrequent public appearances recently, he has reportedly seemed increasingly frail, noted Ms. Téllez.
The ongoing arrests of his closest allies, even while he is still alive, suggest either Mr. Ortega’s explicit approval or a diminishing capacity to shield those once nearest to him, she concluded.
Ms. Murillo has actively sought to cultivate her own base of support among younger members of the ruling Sandinista National Liberation Front (F.S.L.N.).
“This demonstrates unequivocally that no one within the F.S.L.N. is untouchable,” commented Kai Thaler, a global studies professor at the University of California, Santa Barbara. “It also sends a powerful message that decades of loyalty to the party, and to Daniel himself, offer no guarantee of protection.”