For decades, they stood shoulder-to-shoulder with Daniel Ortega, battling to overthrow a brutal dictatorship in Nicaragua as part of the Sandinista rebellion of the 1970s.
These were the loyalists who helped govern during Ortega’s initial presidency in the 1980s and rejoined his administration when he returned to power almost two decades ago.
Yet, a stunning betrayal has unfolded: many of these long-standing, trusted companions now face criminal charges, languishing in jail or under house arrest.
This relentless purge, orchestrated by President Daniel Ortega and his co-president wife, Rosario Murillo, spares no one—from original Sandinista Party leaders and high-ranking military officials to even members of their own family.
Nicaragua, already notorious for its arbitrary arrests and severe restrictions on political freedom, is witnessing a drastic escalation. The detention of these deeply rooted Sandinista loyalists marks a formidable crackdown on anyone perceived as a threat to the ruling couple’s absolute power.
Intriguingly, this systematic dismantling of the Sandinista party’s inner circle isn’t just Ortega’s doing; it seems primarily driven by Ms. Murillo. Widely regarded as the true architect of power in Nicaragua, she has been instrumental in transforming this Central American nation into one of Latin America’s most authoritarian regimes.
In the past year, Ms. Murillo has aggressively consolidated her influence, pushing through constitutional amendments seen by many as a brazen power grab. She has also overseen the creation of a new paramilitary force directly loyal to the government and systematically dismantled the judiciary, placing the courts firmly under presidential control.
Analysts suggest her ultimate goal is to eliminate all potential rivals, clearing a path to become Nicaragua’s undisputed authoritarian leader.
“They are systematically removing individuals from vital positions,” noted Alberto Cortés, a Nicaragua specialist at the University of Costa Rica. “The chilling question on everyone’s mind is, ‘Am I next?'”
Bayardo Arce, a former guerrilla revolutionary and later economic adviser, was the last of the original nine Sandinista commanders from the 1980s to stand by Mr. Ortega. He remained fiercely loyal for over five decades, even as countless other Sandinista leaders defected, condemning the party for corruption and authoritarianism, often facing arrest or exile themselves.
Now, even this steadfast last loyalist has been cast aside.
In July, the 76-year-old Mr. Arce was apprehended after prosecutors alleged he ignored a summons regarding “irregularities” in his property ownership. Despite publicly embracing leftist ideals, Arce had long been a controversial figure, accumulating significant wealth while holding vague government positions.
Experts view his unexpected arrest this summer as undeniable proof that in Nicaragua, absolutely no one is beyond the presidential couple’s reach in their relentless pursuit of absolute power.
Many believe his downfall was directly ordered by Ms. Murillo. After years as a tirelessly active first lady, she ascended to Vice President in 2017, and then, earlier this year, seized the newly established title of “co-president.”
With Mr. Ortega nearing 80, analysts observe that his 74-year-old wife appears consumed by an obsessive drive to eliminate any potential rivals.
Ms. Murillo remained unresponsive to requests for comment.
Nestor Moncada Lau, a national security adviser implicated in the brutal crackdown on 2018 protests, has been held in the national penitentiary since August 16th, following interrogations regarding a property confiscation, as reported by the Costa Rica-based Nicaraguan newspaper, Confidencial.
May saw retired brigadier general Álvaro Baltodano Cantarero sentenced to 20 years for treason, with all his assets confiscated. Similarly, Henry Ruiz, another of the original nine Sandinista commanders like Arce, was placed under house arrest in March, though no public charges were announced.
Even President Ortega’s own brother, Humberto Ortega — a key Sandinista leader and former army chief — died in September after four months of house arrest. His detention followed public comments where he controversially labeled his brother a dictator.
Lenin Cerna, a former colonel who once headed the notorious state security agency in the 1980s, was also reportedly arrested, though Nicaraguan media noted that previous rumors of his detention had proven unfounded.
“While purges aren’t unheard of, targeting such highly visible, staunch loyalists is a relatively new development,” explained Karen Kampwirth, a political science professor at Knox College in Illinois, currently penning a biography of Ms. Murillo. “I believe her strategy stems from a realization that she lacks legitimacy among the ‘historic’ Sandinistas—those who emerged from the guerrilla warfare.”
Analysts suggest this campaign is meticulously designed to target any former guerrilla leader who commands respect within the armed forces or among veteran party members.
According to Ms. Kampwirth, Ms. Murillo fears that the continued presence of figures like Mr. Arce could embolden military loyalists to rally behind them once Mr. Ortega is no longer in power.
“A faction within the military might unite behind him,” she elaborated, “but no one will rally behind her.”
Conversely, Mr. Cortés from the University of Costa Rica questions whether Ms. Murillo’s aggressive tactics might inadvertently provoke a backlash, potentially spurring military loyalists to act against her.
Ms. Murillo and Mr. Ortega’s paths crossed in the 1970s, during the Sandinista rebellion against the Somozas, a right-wing dynastic dictatorship that had controlled Nicaragua for over four decades.
Despite their decades-long partnership and her crucial role in operating safe houses during their underground days, Ms. Murillo never attained a formal rebel leadership position and isn’t widely recognized as a significant revolutionary figure.
Nevertheless, upon Mr. Ortega’s return to the presidency in 2007, Ms. Murillo emerged as the undeniable force behind his rule. Her relentless work ethic and deep involvement in every detail—from being the government spokeswoman to distributing land titles to the impoverished—often created tension with seasoned party leaders who had long been loyal to Mr. Ortega.
During their almost two decades in power, the couple faced accusations of not only ousting political opponents but also of systematically rigging elections and seizing control of both the national assembly and the Supreme Court.
“She understands she lacks the inherent political power that Daniel possesses to maintain control,” stated Dora María Téllez, a former Sandinista health minister who defected from the party decades ago, was imprisoned in 2021, and now resides in exile in Spain.
With the separation of powers now abolished, all government branches answer directly to Ms. Murillo, according to Ms. Téllez. Murillo championed the constitutional amendments establishing the “co-president” role, and despite holding this title since January, no successor has been appointed to her former vice presidency, a significant detail.
Laureano, one of the couple’s sons, is widely perceived as being groomed for succession. An opera singer by profession, he serves as an international investment adviser and plays a crucial role in Nicaragua’s ties with China, Russia, and Iran.
However, even Laureano has not been appointed to the vacant vice presidency. Experts believe this further highlights Ms. Murillo’s unwavering determination to be the sole successor to her husband’s position.
Ms. Murillo’s intense focus on succession, analysts note, aligns with persistent rumors about her husband’s declining health. Ms. Téllez observed that in his infrequent public appearances lately, he has appeared noticeably frail.
The fact that so many of his closest allies are being arrested while he is still alive suggests two possibilities: either Mr. Ortega has approved these purges, or he has lost the ability to shield those closest to him, she concluded.
Ms. Murillo has actively cultivated her own base of support among the younger generation of the ruling Sandinista National Liberation Front (F.S.L.N.) party.
“This clearly demonstrates that no one within the F.S.L.N. is safe,” stated Kai Thaler, a global studies professor at the University of California, Santa Barbara. “It also sends a stark message: decades of loyalty to the party, and to Daniel, will not guarantee your protection.”