Imagine a seasoned American diplomat and a Syrian rebel commander sharing an unexpectedly candid conversation. This happened in 2023, as they reflected on their opposing roles in previous Middle East conflicts. The commander, then known as Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, vividly recalled targeting the diplomat’s Baghdad home as a young jihadist after the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq. Robert S. Ford, the diplomat, countered by describing his decision to close the U.S. Embassy in Syria in 2012, fearing bombings from al-Jolani’s Al Qaeda faction during the intensifying civil war.
Yet, amid this stark historical backdrop, the Syrian rebel leader spoke of an improbable future: seizing the capital and governing Syria. At the time, Ambassador Ford considered it a fantastical ambition, as he later shared with The New York Times.
Last December, that ‘fantastical’ vision became reality. Al-Jolani spearheaded a stunning offensive that ultimately toppled dictator Bashar al-Assad, propelling him into the Syrian presidency. He then dramatically shed his military fatigues for sharp business suits, replacing his battlefield alias with his birth name: Ahmed al-Shara.
This week, in a truly remarkable turn of events, President al-Shara is poised to address the U.N. General Assembly, becoming the first Syrian leader to do so in 58 years. This significant diplomatic step comes even as the United States and the United Nations continue to officially label him a terrorist.
Former Ambassador Ford observes that al-Shara appears less like a staunch Islamist jihadist trying to mask his true nature, and more like a determined authoritarian focused on establishing a stable government. ‘He is a power seeker,’ Ford remarked. Insights from over 70 individuals who observed or interacted with al-Shara paint a consistent portrait: a highly intelligent, ambitious, and adaptable figure who masterfully employed cunning, charisma, diplomacy, and decisive action to navigate and survive the volatile landscape of the Middle East.
His early journey saw him align with terrorist groups, fighting alongside them against the United States in Iraq, a conflict he viewed through the lens of religious war.
Later, returning to his homeland, he founded Al Qaeda’s Syrian branch. As the years progressed, he strategically rebranded himself as a moderate rebel leader, seeking to broaden his appeal and legitimacy.
These numerous transformations raise profound questions about al-Shara’s core beliefs and his ultimate blueprint for leading a nation emerging from 13 devastating years of civil war. Syria’s stability, or lack thereof, holds significant sway over the wider, turbulent Middle East region.
He has actively sought and gained support from the United States and other international powers, pursuing peaceful relations with neighboring countries, including Israel, and advocating for reconciliation among Syrians.
However, his reputation has recently been clouded by a surge in sectarian violence, with human rights organizations and the United Nations reporting thousands of deaths and alleging his security forces’ involvement. Syrian rebels celebrate their entry into the capital, Damascus, in December, marking the fall of dictator Bashar al-Assad. A funeral in April for members of Syria’s Druse minority in Jaramana, a Damascus suburb, following a period of intense sectarian violence.
Al-Shara’s consolidation of power within his own hands and among his loyal inner circle fuels concerns. Doubts persist about whether he genuinely aims to build an inclusive government representing all of Syria’s diverse minority groups or if he simply seeks to establish himself as a new strongman.
During a meeting with reporters in Damascus last week, including from The Times, al-Shara asserted that his unconventional past had uniquely equipped him to achieve what no one else could: the overthrow of the Assad regime. ‘Whoever has judged us on our past, were they wrong? Or were we?’ he challenged.
An Unlikely Road to Jihad
Born in Saudi Arabia in 1982 to a Syrian middle-class family, Ahmed al-Shara returned to Damascus as a child. His economist father and teacher mother fostered political discussions at home, but there was no history of Islamist extremism within the family.
Neighbors remembered him as a quiet, studious young man. In his teenage years, he began wearing a long tunic and knitted cap, signs of growing religious devotion, according to neighbor Maya Athem.
Around age 20, he vanished. ‘Suddenly, he disappeared,’ Ms. Athem recounted. ‘Even his mother didn’t know if he was alive or dead.’
He had clandestinely crossed into Iraq just before the U.S. invasion in 2003, joining insurgents who would later form Al Qaeda in Iraq. While his direct combat involvement remains unclear, an Iraqi security official stated that al-Shara recently admitted to U.S. forces arresting him in 2005 during his first attempt to plant roadside bombs against American troops. This official, like many interviewed, spoke anonymously due to diplomatic protocols or safety concerns.
Detained in Mosul, he befriended fellow inmate Muzahim al-Huwait, an Iraqi tribal leader. Al-Huwait recalled a soft-spoken prisoner who convincingly posed as an Iraqi student named Amjad Mudhafar. Al-Huwait was astonished when he saw the same man on television as Syria’s new leader last year.
“Now Amjad Mudhafar, who was detained with me in Mosul, is the president of Syria,” al-Huwait exclaimed, still bewildered. Al-Shara’s ability to deceive authorities during his six years in Iraqi prisons was remarkable; American and Iraqi officials never realized he was Syrian. Consequently, in 2011, with no charges against his assumed name, he was freed on March 13.
Mere days later, inspired by the Arab Spring, anti-government protests ignited in Syria, drawing al-Shara back to his war-torn homeland.
Bringing Holy War to Syria
In late 2011, al-Shara and a small group of associates covertly entered Syria, aiming to introduce a new jihadist element into the escalating civil war.
Before his departure from Iraq, al-Shara had secured approximately $50,000 from Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, whom he knew from prison and who had become the leader of Al Qaeda in Iraq, to expand Al Qaeda’s operations into Syria.
His newly formed group, the Nusra Front, quickly announced its presence in early 2012 with suicide bombings targeting security personnel in Syria’s major cities, resulting in hundreds of fatalities. In an online message claiming responsibility for two major attacks, al-Shara, using his alias Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, vowed more violence: ‘This regime will never stop except by the power of God and the power of weapons.’ Few knew his true identity then.
While most Syrian rebels initially viewed their struggle as a fight against a brutal dictatorship, the Nusra Front introduced violent jihadist tactics and sought to impose a strict interpretation of Islamic law.
A significant split occurred in 2013 with his Iraqi mentor, al-Baghdadi, who founded the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Al-Shara, however, refused to integrate the Nusra Front into ISIS. While ISIS launched a global ‘holy war’ with attacks in Paris, Cairo, and beyond, al-Shara pledged allegiance to Al Qaeda’s global leader, Ayman al-Zawahri, limiting the Nusra Front’s fight to within Syria’s borders.
In his first televised interview with al-Jazeera in 2013, with his face and true identity hidden, al-Shara declared, ‘We do not seek to rule the country. We seek that God’s law will rule the country.’
His forces established a stronghold in Idlib Province, a deprived region in northwestern Syria. They systematically dismantled other rebel factions there, including some that had received support from Washington.
Human rights organizations and Syrian activists accused the Nusra Front of extrajudicial killings and detentions of critics. Online videos showed them executing women accused of prostitution, and they showed harsh treatment towards religious minorities whose beliefs they deemed heretical.
In Idlib, Christians were forbidden from displaying crosses or ringing church bells, and the Nusra Front, along with other rebel groups, seized their homes and farmlands. Hanna Jallouf, a Roman Catholic priest in Idlib, recounted being kidnapped for 20 days in 2015 by the Nusra Front; international pressure eventually secured his release.
“They took everything,” Father Jallouf remembered. “You had no rights. You had no worth as a human.”
A Shift From Extremism
Two years later, a surprising turn of events saw Father Jallouf receive a visit from two Muslim clerics in Idlib, sent by al-Shara, who expressed a desire for reconciliation with local Christians. The priest showed them the seized properties, and the fighters began returning them to their rightful owners.
By 2022, al-Shara personally apologized to Father Jallouf and other Christians, hoping to move past previous hostilities, according to Father Jallouf, now the bishop of Aleppo. Most of the Christian property has since been restored. Father Jallouf now attests, ‘This man is trustworthy. If he promises something, he carries it out.’
Al-Shara’s reconciliation with Idlib’s Christian community marked a wider departure from his extremist past. His group ceased suicide bombings and reframed their struggle against the dictatorship in more nationalistic terms.
Turkey played a crucial role in encouraging al-Shara’s transformation, engaging with him early in the war, as reported by six officials and other informed sources. A damaged church in a Christian village in Idlib Province in 2013, illustrating the destruction during the conflict.
Syria’s civil war presented a grave crisis for Turkey, leading to a massive influx of refugees and transforming its southern border into a haven for jihadist groups like the Nusra Front.
By 2013, Turkish intelligence officers had established connections with al-Shara, according to two officials with knowledge of the situation. In 2016, al-Shara publicly revealed his face in a video, announcing his group’s dissociation from Al Qaeda. The following year, he founded Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, the primary force behind al-Assad’s overthrow and now the backbone of Syria’s security services.
As government forces advanced, al-Assad sent routed rebels from other regions to Idlib, worsening the humanitarian crisis. Fearing further refugee flows, Turkey sought a capable Syrian partner to stabilize the area, finding al-Shara to be the most suitable. Turkish intelligence subsequently increased its support, while actively encouraging his move away from extremism.
Over time, al-Shara leveraged his growing authority in Idlib to combat or contain extremist elements. Parts of his organization even shared intelligence with foreign agencies, aiding their efforts against Al Qaeda and ISIS, according to current and former officials.
He also capitalized on a truce around 2020 to build a civilian administration and initiate dialogues with Western governments. Initially, direct communication was avoided due to his terrorist designation.
Instead, he invited researchers and conflict-resolution experts to Idlib to demonstrate his and his fighters’ evolution, and to explore avenues for removing their terrorist designation. Dareen Khalifa, a senior adviser at the International Crisis Group who met al-Shara, stated that they wanted Americans ‘to know that they were no longer a threat, that they could be a useful interlocutor.’
These efforts successfully opened new channels of communication. Jonathan Powell, currently the British national security adviser, met with al-Shara. Powell’s organization, Inter Mediate, facilitated Ambassador Ford’s 2023 visit to Syria, where Ford was taken aback by al-Shara’s unwavering belief that his forces would reach Damascus.
“I just thought, well, he’s never going to get to Damascus,” Mr. Ford recounted. “But it is interesting that even young jihadists may temper their enthusiasm as they get older.”
Against All Odds
Weeks after the rebels captured Damascus, an old acquaintance paid a visit to al-Shara, now Syria’s formidable leader. President al-Shara is welcomed by a crowd of supporters at a mosque in Damascus in December.
Ezzat Alshabandar, an Iraqi politician whose son was a childhood friend of al-Shara, recalled a reflective al-Shara acknowledging his more extreme youth but asserting that his experiences had fostered moderation. To lead all of Syria, he explained, he now had to be a ‘realistic Islamist.’
Alshabandar believes al-Shara genuinely seeks to establish a civil state but must proceed cautiously to avoid alienating the more extremist fighters who remained loyal throughout the civil war.
As al-Shara prepares to present his vision for Syria on the U.N. stage, other world leaders are striving to interpret this latest transformation.
Following a meeting with al-Shara in May, President Trump expressed confidence in the Syrian leader and announced the lifting of U.S. sanctions. President Trump meets with Ahmed al-Shara in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in May, as captured in a photo released by the Saudi Royal Palace.
However, recent waves of sectarian violence in Syria have intensified doubts about al-Shara’s capacity to control his more extreme followers. This unrest also complicates efforts to bring large, minority-controlled regions under his central authority.
Alshabandar warned al-Shara that extremists within his security forces could undermine him, highlighting the prevention of a new civil war as his greatest challenge.
“He told me, ‘Maybe I have no control over the palace that I’m in,’” Mr. Alshabandar recalled.
Reporting contributions were made by Muhammad Haj Kadour, Falih Hassan, Alissa J. Rubin, and Eric Schmitt.