Abdul Gani Bhat, a towering figure in Kashmir’s separatist movement, passed away at his home in Botingoo village on September 17, at the age of 93. For decades, he stood as a powerful advocate for moderation, consistently championing dialogue with New Delhi in the disputed, Muslim-majority region claimed by both India and Pakistan.
His family confirmed that Mr. Bhat had been battling kidney issues. His funeral was held on the very day of his passing, a measure taken by Kashmiri authorities to avert potential unrest in the region he called home.
Affectionately known as ‘the Professor’ by his admirers, Mr. Bhat initially pursued a law degree. However, he dedicated most of his career to academia, serving as a distinguished scholar of Persian literature at various colleges across Kashmir. In his teaching, he was renowned for fostering critical thinking, particularly in applying these principles to the complex issues facing the Himalayan region.
During a tense period in regional politics in 1986, Mr. Bhat was dismissed from his position at Government Degree College in Sopore. Provincial officials labeled him a threat to state security. He later reflected to Al Jazeera that he had been ‘sacrificed at the altar of secularism to appease the authorities in Delhi.’
He famously stated, ‘They thought they were just dismissing local leaders, unaware that we were professors and teachers capable of sparking ideas and raising awareness that could ignite a revolution.’
Following his dismissal, Mr. Bhat co-founded the Muslim United Front, an alliance of Islamic and political factions that participated in the 1987 state elections. Allegations of widespread rigging by India during these polls ignited a full-scale insurgency. This marked a profound shift towards armed rebellion against Indian governance, a conflict that has tragically claimed an estimated 41,000 lives by government accounts, while local and international human rights organizations suggest the death toll is closer to 70,000.
Image: Abdul Gani Bhat, center, in New Delhi in 2004. His speeches often blended poetry with sharp commentary, making him one of the separatist movement’s most distinctive voices. (Credit: Prakash Singh/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images)
Like many opposition figures, Mr. Bhat was imprisoned. Upon his release nine months later, he expressed a profound conviction: while initial violence might have been inevitable (‘we are grateful to our boys, who took up arms and made our cause felt and voice heard,’ he told Al Jazeera), he firmly believed that politics and diplomacy held a far more crucial and lasting power to resolve the conflict.
This philosophy set Mr. Bhat apart, establishing him as a rare voice of moderation within Kashmir’s separatist movement, which was often characterized by militancy and rigid viewpoints. While many Kashmiri leaders resisted engagement with India, he consistently emphasized that dialogue was paramount to resolving the long-standing conflict over Kashmir, a region where a significant portion of the population sought either independence or alignment with Pakistan.
Through eloquent speeches, seasoned with sharp wit and memorable aphorisms, Mr. Bhat maintained that Kashmir’s destiny would not be forged on battlefields or through street protests, but solely through the crucible of negotiation. Even after his younger brother, Mohammad Sultan Bhat, was tragically killed by pro-Pakistan militants in 1996, he steadfastly rejected calls for retribution.
He famously remarked, ‘In movements and in politics, one must sometimes silently endure a cup of poison.’
In the early 1990s, Mr. Bhat was instrumental in establishing the All Parties Hurriyat Conference, a unifying platform for pro-independence and pro-Pakistan parties in Kashmir. Over time, the Hurriyat emerged as the leading political voice for separatism, despite the prevailing influence of armed factions.
Assuming the role of the conference’s chairman in 1999, he engaged in groundbreaking discussions with Indian Prime Ministers Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh over several years, initiating a period of cautious but significant engagement.
His stature was recognized even within India’s corridors of power. Mr. Bhat, alongside other Kashmiri leaders, graced the cover of ‘Kashmir: The Vajpayee Years,’ the memoir of A.S. Dulat, India’s former intelligence chief, who affectionately described him as ‘a friend, philosopher, and guide.’
While his dialogues with Indian leadership were widely seen as impactful, they ultimately did not produce immediate political resolutions. Towards the end of his life, his influence diminished as the separatist movement became more fragmented, and New Delhi adopted an even firmer position on Kashmir.
The Hindu nationalist government in New Delhi revoked Kashmir’s limited autonomy in August 2019, followed by a broad suppression of dissent, which further marginalized the Hurriyat. Despite this, Mr. Bhat, though maintaining a lower profile, persistently advocated for dialogue as the sole way forward.
Image: Mr. Bhat in foreground in 2001. “Rigidity breaks,” he liked to say. “Flexibility survives.” (Credit: Mustafa Tauseef/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images)
Born in 1932 in Botingoo, Mr. Bhat was the son of Bakhti Begum and Haji Habibullah Bhat, the respected, albeit illiterate, headman of the village.
After completing his undergraduate studies at Sri Pratap College in Srinagar, Kashmir, Mr. Bhat pursued further education at Aligarh Muslim University in Uttar Pradesh, India, earning degrees in Persian language and law. Upon returning to Kashmir, he briefly practiced law before dedicating two decades to academia, first as a lecturer and then as a professor of Persian at various colleges throughout the region.
He is survived by his wife, Zoona Begum, and their three sons.
Throughout his career, hard-line factions within the separatist movement often criticized Mr. Bhat for his perceived overly conciliatory approach. In 2011, he caused a stir by openly admitting that separatist groups, rather than India, were responsible for political assassinations of fellow separatist leaders during the 1990s.
Nevertheless, his unwavering commitment to engagement and his distinctive intellectual style—characterized by sharp, often biting humor and a knack for quoting Persian poetry—set him apart in a political landscape often dominated by impassioned speakers and rigid ideologies. He held all parties accountable, distributing blame impartially among leaders in India, Pakistan, and the Hurriyat. His enduring maxim was, ‘Rigidity breaks; flexibility survives.’