They once stood shoulder-to-shoulder with Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua, battling as Sandinista rebels in the 1970s to overthrow a ruthless dictatorship that had held the nation in its grip for over forty years.
Many of these loyalists served alongside Mr. Ortega during his initial presidency in the 1980s, and again when he returned to power almost two decades ago.
Yet today, many of these same trusted comrades, who maintained close ties with Mr. Ortega for decades, now face accusations of various crimes, finding themselves imprisoned or confined to house arrest.
The purge extends across the spectrum: from founding members of the ruling Sandinista Party’s national directorate to high-ranking military officials, and even within the Ortega family itself. President Ortega and his wife, co-president Rosario Murillo, are systematically eliminating even their most intimate former friends and allies.
Nicaragua, already infamous for its pervasive arbitrary arrests and severe restrictions on political freedom, is witnessing a startling intensification of this campaign. The detention of long-standing Sandinista loyalists signifies a dramatic escalation in the regime’s efforts to quash any potential challenge to the ruling couple’s iron-fisted authority.
Intriguingly, the dissolution of the leftist Sandinista party’s inner core seems to be primarily orchestrated not by Mr. Ortega, but by his wife, Ms. Murillo. Widely perceived as the true force behind the throne in Nicaragua, she has played a crucial role in transforming the Central American nation into one of the most oppressive regimes in the region.
In the past year, Ms. Murillo has aggressively expanded her influence through a series of constitutional amendments, widely criticized as a blatant power-grab. She has also overseen the creation of a new paramilitary force devoted to the government and the complete overhaul of the judiciary, effectively granting the presidency unprecedented control over the nation’s courts.
Analysts suggest her actions are designed to neutralize any potential rivals, thereby clearing her path to become Nicaragua’s ultimate, unchallenged authoritarian leader.
“They are systematically removing individuals from vital positions,” remarked Alberto Cortés, a Nicaragua specialist at the University of Costa Rica. “A chilling question echoes through the nation: ‘Am I next?’”
Bayardo Arce, once a revolutionary guerrilla and later an economic adviser, was the final remaining member of the original nine Sandinista commanders who governed in the 1980s to stay by Mr. Ortega’s side. His unwavering loyalty spanned over five decades, even as countless other Sandinista leaders deserted the party, citing corruption and authoritarianism within its leadership. Many of those who left faced arrest or exile.
Now, even the staunchest survivor has been brought down.
Mr. Arce, aged 76, was apprehended in July after prosecutors alleged he ignored a summons regarding purported irregularities concerning his property holdings. For many years, Arce remained a contentious figure, accumulating substantial wealth despite advocating leftist principles and occupying ambiguously defined government roles.
His unexpected arrest this summer, according to experts, served as a stark demonstration that no individual in Nicaragua is exempt from the presidential couple’s relentless drive to solidify their already absolute power.
His downfall, they contend, undoubtedly stemmed from Ms. Murillo’s directives. Following years of tireless work as first lady, she ascended to the vice presidency in 2017, and then earlier this year, took on the newly established role of “co-president.”
With Mr. Ortega nearing 80, commentators observe that his 74-year-old wife appears consumed by a fierce determination to eliminate all potential rivals.
Ms. Murillo declined to comment on the matter.
Nestor Moncada Lau, a national security adviser implicated as a key figure in the violent suppression of 2018 protests, has been held at the national penitentiary since August 16th. His detention followed questioning regarding property confiscation, as reported by Confidencial, a Nicaraguan newspaper based in Costa Rica.
In May, retired Brigadier General Álvaro Baltodano Cantarero received a 20-year prison sentence for treason, with orders for his assets to be seized. Henry Ruiz, another of the initial nine Sandinista commanders, was placed under house arrest in March, though no public charges were disclosed.
Tragically, Mr. Ortega’s brother, Humberto Ortega, who once commanded the army during the Sandinista’s inaugural period of rule, passed away in September after enduring four months of house arrest. His detention was prompted by his public denouncement of his brother as a dictator, despite also being one of the original nine Sandinista leaders.
Lenin Cerna, a former colonel who headed the notorious state security agency in the 1980s, was also reportedly arrested. However, past rumors of his detention proved unfounded, according to Nicaraguan media.
“While political purges are not unprecedented, the targeting of such exceptionally prominent loyalists is a relatively new phenomenon,” observed Karen Kampwirth, a political science professor at Knox College in Illinois and biographer of Ms. Murillo. “I believe her strategy stems from a realization that she lacks legitimacy among the ‘historic’ Sandinistas — those who emerged from the guerrilla struggle.”
This aggressive campaign, experts suggest, appears to be aimed at any former guerrilla fighter who commands respect among armed forces leaders and long-standing party members.
Ms. Kampwirth posited that Ms. Murillo fears that as long as figures like Mr. Arce retain influence, veteran party loyalists within the military might rally behind them following Mr. Ortega’s eventual demise.
“A faction within the military could potentially unite behind him,” she stated. “But no one is expected to rally behind her.”
Mr. Cortés, from the University of Costa Rica, muses whether Ms. Murillo’s calculated actions might backfire, prompting military loyalists to turn against her.
Ms. Murillo and Mr. Ortega’s paths crossed in the 1970s, during the Sandinista rebels’ armed uprising against the Somozas, a right-wing dynastic dictatorship that had controlled Nicaragua for over four decades.
Despite their decades-long partnership, during which she managed safe houses while they were in hiding, Ms. Murillo never held a formal rebel leadership role and is not widely recognized as a pivotal revolutionary figure.
Nevertheless, upon Mr. Ortega’s return to the presidency in 2007, she rapidly emerged as the genuine power orchestrating his administration. Her tireless work ethic and meticulous involvement in every detail—from acting as government spokeswoman to distributing land titles to the impoverished—often created tension with veteran party leaders who had long been devoted to Mr. Ortega.
Throughout their almost two decades in power, the couple faced accusations of not only sidelining opponents but also rigging elections and seizing control of both the national assembly and the Supreme Court.
“She understands she lacks the inherent political leverage Daniel possesses to maintain power,” stated Dora María Téllez, a former Sandinista health minister who defected from the party decades ago, was imprisoned in 2021, and now resides in exile in Spain.
With the erosion of the separation of powers, every government branch now reports directly to Ms. Murillo, Ms. Téllez explained. Murillo spearheaded the constitutional amendments that established the “co-president” position. Notably, despite holding this title since January, no vice president has been appointed to succeed her.
Their son, Laureano, an opera singer who acts as an adviser on international investments and plays a pivotal role in Nicaragua’s dealings with China, Russia, and Iran, is widely considered to be next in line for leadership.
However, even Laureano has not been chosen to fill the vacant vice presidency, a fact that experts believe highlights Ms. Murillo’s unwavering ambition to be the sole successor to her husband’s authority.
This intense focus by Ms. Murillo on succession aligns with ongoing speculation about her husband’s deteriorating health. Ms. Téllez noted that in his infrequent public appearances recently, Mr. Ortega has appeared visibly diminished.
The apprehension of so many of his closest confidantes while he is still alive suggests that Mr. Ortega has either sanctioned these actions or has become incapable of shielding those closest to him, she elaborated.
Ms. Murillo has actively sought to cultivate her own base of support among the younger generation within the ruling Sandinista National Liberation Front, or F.S.L.N.
“This situation clearly demonstrates that no one within the F.S.L.N. is immune to these purges,” asserted Kai Thaler, a global studies professor at the University of California, Santa Barbara. “It unequivocally proves that unwavering, decades-long loyalty to the party and to Daniel will no longer guarantee protection.”