In the past year, the Trump administration has embarked on a unique path in foreign relations. This includes unconventional negotiation tactics, displaying military might, and, notably, conducting high-stakes diplomacy without the involvement of career diplomats.
On a recent Tuesday in Geneva, the administration exemplified all three approaches simultaneously. President Trump’s most confidential representatives – real estate mogul Steve Witkoff and his son-in-law Jared Kushner – held discussions with Iranian officials in the morning, followed by meetings with Russian and Ukrainian delegates in the afternoon.
This scenario vividly illustrates Mr. Trump’s belief that traditional institutions like the State Department and the National Security Council, which have guided global crisis negotiations for nearly eight decades, are better kept out of the loop. Consequently, the team of Witkoff and Kushner has been central to ongoing efforts to resolve a two-decade-long nuclear standoff with Iran and a war in Ukraine approaching its fifth year.
Reportedly, Mr. Trump has unwavering faith in their method, a confidence bolstered by their successful negotiation of a Gaza cease-fire and the release of Israeli hostages from Hamas last year. Nations such as Russia, Turkey, and the Gulf Arab states have embraced these two men. Their transactional style, honed through New York real estate dealings, offers a level of flexibility that traditional diplomats often cannot.
These envoys speak the straightforward language of deal-makers, prioritizing outcomes over lectures on human rights or democratic principles. Often, the foreign officials they engage with have direct connections to ongoing business ventures involving the Trump and Witkoff families, raising potential conflict-of-interest questions.
Asli Aydintasbas, a fellow at the Brookings Institution, notes that “some countries truly appreciate this informal structure at the Trump White House.” However, she also observes, “I haven’t seen anyone particularly impressed with the diplomatic prowess of the current team.”
A source close to the Kremlin indicated that Russian officials found Mr. Witkoff’s congenial demeanor and eagerness for talks appealing, though they occasionally questioned his reliability as a conduit for messages. He was perceived as inexperienced in the complexities of Washington-Moscow relations and initially conducted negotiations without American specialists.
More recently, the same source reported that Russians welcomed Mr. Kushner’s participation, attributing it to his more methodical and organized negotiation style.
Some Russian circles have dubbed the pair “Witkoff and Zyatkoff,” playing on the Russian word for son-in-law. Similarly, Iranians refer to Mr. Kushner as “Damad Trump,” using the Persian term for son-in-law, thereby linking his influence directly to his marriage to President Trump’s daughter, Ivanka.
Iranian media has extensively covered Mr. Kushner’s involvement, with prominent political analyst Ahmad Zeidabadi writing in the Asr Iran newspaper that his participation was a “positive” development.
Zeidabadi suggested that Kushner “represents the pragmatic and softer side of Trump.”
In an interview from last October, Mr. Kushner described his and Mr. Witkoff’s diplomatic strategy as relying on being “deal guys” who deeply “understand people.” Mr. Witkoff is renowned in real estate for significant acquisitions, including the Woolworth Building in 1998. Mr. Kushner, following his father Charles Kushner, also built a career in real estate before venturing into private equity.
Notably, Mr. Kushner holds no official government position and receives no salary, while Mr. Witkoff serves as a U.S. “special envoy.”
During Mr. Trump’s initial term, Mr. Kushner was instrumental in orchestrating the Abraham Accords, leading to normalized relations between Israel and several Arab nations, though securing Saudi Arabia’s participation remains an unmet goal. His negotiations for a Gaza cease-fire last year garnered commendation, even from some Democrats, for advancing peace in a conflict that President Joseph R. Biden Jr. had struggled to resolve.
Proponents of the administration argue that Mr. Witkoff and Mr. Kushner’s personal wealth makes them less susceptible to corruption, positioning them as ideal negotiators. However, both individuals are facing scrutiny over potential conflicts of interest.
For instance, Mr. Witkoff’s son, Zach, leads World Liberty Financial, the Trump family’s cryptocurrency enterprise. Last year, an investment firm connected to the United Arab Emirates acquired nearly half of this company for $500 million.
Similarly, before Mr. Trump’s second term, Mr. Kushner secured billions from international investors, including state wealth funds from Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates – countries with whom he had engaged during his tenure as a senior White House adviser in the first Trump administration.
Despite these unique diplomatic efforts, both Russia and Iran appear to be employing a shared strategy in their engagements with Mr. Witkoff and Mr. Kushner: delay.
At the recent Munich Security Conference, observers on the periphery of the Ukraine negotiations, where Russia’s invasion would soon mark its fourth anniversary, repeatedly noted that Russia had strong incentives to participate in talks but little motivation to finalize an agreement.
Military and intelligence officials from various Western nations recently stated that President Vladimir V. Putin is confident in his position. He reportedly believes that even if it takes up to two years to fully control the Donbas region, every day of conflict and each nightly barrage of Russian missiles and drones on civilian and energy targets only strengthens his negotiating hand.
For Iran, delaying tactics represent a fundamental survival strategy for the regime. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who was in Slovakia and Hungary recently but is not involved in the Geneva talks, expressed a pessimistic outlook on the situation.
Rubio told reporters, “It’s going to be hard.” He explained the difficulty in striking meaningful deals with Iran, stating, “we’re dealing with radical Shia clerics who are making theological decisions, not geopolitical ones.”
However, the similarities in these diplomatic approaches diverge significantly. With Iran, Mr. Trump’s diplomacy is accompanied by a credible threat of imminent military action if progress isn’t made, potentially within days or weeks. Conversely, in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, he has eased military pressure by discontinuing the direct provision of arms to Ukraine, a policy strongly supported by Congress during the Biden administration.
Additionally, the President has targeted Russia’s “shadow fleet” involved in oil sales, worsening Mr. Putin’s economic difficulties. Simultaneously, the Trump administration has hinted at potential U.S. investment in Russia, contingent on the announcement of a deal, any deal.
Considering these factors, some analysts speculate that Mr. Putin might still agree to a cease-fire in Ukraine, particularly if it involves a significant reconciliation with the United States and a withdrawal of Ukrainian forces from the remaining parts of the Donbas.
Meanwhile, the talks with Iran are overshadowed by a substantial U.S. naval presence – what Mr. Trump calls a “great armada” – gathering in the Red Sea, poised for potential military action. Far from de-escalating, Iran has temporarily shut down the Strait of Hormuz for live-fire drills, serving as a blunt warning of its capacity to disrupt global energy markets.
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s supreme leader, offered little in the way of a non-military resolution when questioned about the deployment of one U.S. carrier group and the impending arrival of another – a significant display of military force.
In Tabriz, during a commemoration of the 1978 uprising against the pro-American Shah, Khamenei asserted, “An aircraft carrier is a dangerous machine, but even more dangerous than that is the weapon capable of sending it to the bottom of the sea.” This statement coincided with global protests led by the Shah’s son, Reza Pahlavi, calling for the current Iranian government’s downfall.
Concurrently, Mr. Trump has periodically voiced frustration, feeling “dangled” by Mr. Putin. Over the past year, he has shifted blame for inflexibility in talks, accusing Ukrainians, then Russians, and then Ukrainians once more.
Currently, his criticism has returned to Ukraine and its leadership, implying they have not adequately acknowledged Russia’s status as a larger, nuclear-armed power.