In 2008, when Tarique Rahman, then considered the rising star of a powerful political dynasty in Bangladesh, was forced into exile amidst allegations of bribery and corruption, many believed his political career was over. In a nation frequently plagued by allegations of kleptocracy, it appeared justice was finally being served.
Yet, almost two decades later, Rahman has orchestrated an extraordinary comeback, dramatically reversing his fortunes.
His return to Dhaka in December coincided with a pivotal moment in Bangladeshi history. Following a student-led revolution that ignited calls for profound political change, Rahman skillfully positioned himself as a champion of the people, leading his party to a decisive landslide victory.
Rahman has vowed to tackle the core issues of the protest movement — a stronger, more democratic system, a crackdown on corruption, and increased opportunities for all citizens. However, a significant segment of the student population remains skeptical, fearing that this shift merely represents another rotation of power between the two long-standing political dynasties that have shaped Bangladesh since its independence from Pakistan in 1971.
On Thursday morning, having cast his vote in an affluent Dhaka polling station, the 60-year-old Rahman reiterated his commitment, assuring that his Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) would honor its promise of transformative change.
“Our immediate focus, should we win, will be on enhancing law and order to ensure public safety,” Rahman declared, amidst a heavy security presence of police and army personnel who kept eager crowds at bay during the election.
He added, “If we form the government, we will tackle this from day one.” Moments later, he swiftly entered a waiting SUV, while mounted police on distinctive toffee-colored horses maintained crowd control as his vehicle slowly progressed towards the nearby BNP office.
By Friday, even as ballots were still being tallied, it was evident that Rahman’s party was poised to form the next government, expected to command a substantial majority.
The BNP’s victory was largely a foregone conclusion. The Awami League, previously led by autocratic former prime minister Sheikh Hasina – who was herself unseated by the 2024 student revolution – was prohibited from participating. For nearly 55 years since Bangladesh’s independence, these two political titans, the Awami League and the BNP, have largely alternated control, with Ms. Hasina also belonging to another prominent political family.
This election, the BNP primarily faced the Jamaat-e-Islami, a party advocating for an Islamic legal system, which had forged a coalition with ten other groups, including the National Citizen Party founded by student revolution leaders. Despite gaining some seats, it seemed unlikely they would hold significant sway over the incoming BNP government.
Speaking with The New York Times from his office just days before the election, Rahman exuded confidence, appearing ready to fully embrace his political inheritance. He stated, “We are very confident that, Inshallah, we’ll be forming the next government.”
Throughout his campaign, Rahman demonstrated an understanding of the need to cast the BNP as a force for change. He directly addressed student concerns, promoting an inclusive message with his slogan, “Bangladesh before all.” The BNP’s manifesto largely echoed the progressive aspirations of many student protesters, advocating for increased women’s participation in politics, enhanced economic prospects, and upholding the rule of law.
Rahman emphasized that the BNP had previously been a catalyst for change under his mother, Khaleda Zia, Bangladesh’s first female prime minister. He pledged to continue her legacy of empowering women. Ms. Zia was widely respected for her initiatives to enhance girls’ access to education and for fostering Bangladesh’s growth as a major garment manufacturing hub. However, her tenure was also criticized for failing to curb the rise of Islamic extremism in the early 2000s.
Despite the BNP’s success, its return to power raises significant concerns about Bangladesh’s future, particularly for the student revolution of 2024 that brought down the Hasina government. That movement was fueled by deep student frustration over limited economic prospects, pervasive corruption, and diminishing political freedoms.
Both Rahman and Hasina hail from families integral to Bangladesh’s 1971 war of independence. Rahman’s father, Ziaur Rahman, was the nation’s first military leader and founded the BNP in 1978. Hasina’s father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, is revered as a founding father of Bangladesh.
Following her 2014 election victory, Ms. Hasina systematically consolidated power. Meanwhile, Ms. Zia continued to chair the BNP amidst numerous legal battles until her death in late December, leaving Rahman to direct party matters from Britain. Ms. Hasina, 78, remains in India after being overthrown.
Rahman’s own past is not without controversy. In March 2007, just six months after his mother resigned and a military interim government took control, police arrested him on extortion charges as part of a broad anti-corruption campaign, accusations he has consistently denied.
He departed Bangladesh in 2008 and did not return until December of last year.
When questioned about his return, Rahman responded, “Not exactly,” citing numerous challenges he foresees.
Nevertheless, voters decided to grant his family and party another opportunity.
Milon Almazee, a Dhaka businessman, expressed his support for Rahman, citing his perceived maturity and the practical governmental understanding expected from the son of a former prime minister.
“His rhetoric, diplomacy, and demeanor have all improved,” Almazee remarked. “He appears much savvier now.”