Just last month, To Lam was already Vietnam’s top leader. Yet, as the Communist Party congress concluded on January 23, with him accumulating even more power, he appeared noticeably more genial, readily shaking hands with his colleagues in Hanoi’s grand, red-decorated convention hall. It was clear he was eager to push forward with his agenda.
Following the announcement of the new Politburo list, which confirmed his unprecedented dual role as head of both the party and president, Mr. Lam’s assertiveness was evident. He was the first official to enter the press conference room and the first to take his seat, notably in a prominent, oversized dark wooden chair at the center of the stage.
Addressing a press corps largely comprised of state-affiliated journalists, he declared, ‘This congress meets in a new context, demanding a fresh vision.’ He emphasized, ‘This time, what truly matters is action.’
At 68, Mr. Lam now stands as Vietnam’s most formidable leader in decades. His consolidation of power comes at a pivotal moment for Asia, as global attention shifts away from Washington, and Beijing seeks to overcome its own national challenges through assertive economic and military strategies.
He is a unique figure in this one-party state’s history: a former security chief with a doctorate, a proponent of business reform, a divorced father of four, and a globalist with a penchant for fine wine and the music of Kenny G. His ascent was unconventional, not relying on traditional party compromises but on a bold promise to transform Vietnam into a prosperous, developed nation by 2045. This ambition saw him strategically sideline rivals, cultivating a powerful base of loyalists beholden to his vision.
He became party secretary in 2024, having spearheaded an anti-corruption campaign during his tenure at the Ministry of Public Security, which effectively removed other potential leaders. He further cemented his influence by restructuring the government, merging 63 provinces into 34 and implementing new party regulations that prevent provincial leaders from serving in their home regions, thereby creating opportunities for his supporters.
His agenda was laid out in several Politburo resolutions: Resolution 57 focused on technology, Resolution 68 positioned private enterprise as the core economic engine, Resolution 66 stipulated that laws should facilitate rather than restrict business, and Resolution 59 advocated for a foreign policy of proactive ‘international integration.’
These reforms are considered the most substantial since Vietnam’s economic liberalization in the 1980s, assuming they are fully enacted. Critics, however, worry that Mr. Lam’s approach leans towards autocratic cronyism. They point to his swift detentions of dissenters and his apparent favoritism towards politically connected conglomerates, many of which suffer from low productivity or high debt due to excessive, unaffordable housing construction.
As global free trade opportunities narrow amidst rising American protectionism and China’s export subsidies, time is of the essence for Mr. Lam. He has promised upcoming action plans, complete with firm deadlines.
Tuong Vu, director of the U.S.-Vietnam Research Center at the University of Oregon, remarked, ‘He’s clearly aiming to spark enthusiasm while simultaneously consolidating as much power as possible.’
**Full of Surprises**
So, who exactly is Mr. Lam? What drives him, and what might happen if his ambitions are thwarted?
Since Ho Chi Minh’s independence movement in the 1940s, Vietnamese leaders have rarely granted unscripted media interviews. This report draws from extensive conversations with numerous officials, business leaders, and diplomats, supplemented by an analysis of Mr. Lam’s own writings and public addresses. Many sources familiar with Mr. Lam’s career, shaped by his role in suppressing dissent, spoke anonymously. He has consistently declined interview requests from The New York Times.
Currently, Mr. Lam is seen as neither a rigid ideologue nor a charismatic figure. While he possesses charm in intimate settings, he is known for taking significant risks while carefully concealing his true objectives.
Born in 1957 in Xuan Cau, an ancient riverside village in Hung Yen Province, southeast of Hanoi, Mr. Lam grew up in a large, impoverished family, typical of the region, in a thatched-roof home. His parents were dedicated Communist revolutionaries.
Childhood neighbors recall seeing young Lam frequently along the village’s centuries-old brick roads, heading to the rice paddies. There, he would forage for crabs, snails, fish, and even rats – a local delicacy.
He was remembered as social and diligent, though not necessarily the brightest student in the village.
His father, Colonel To Quyen, served as a security officer for the Communist resistance in South Vietnam for most of the war, later becoming police chief of their home province. Although not a top-tier official, he left a significant legacy. When Mr. Lam entered the government academy—the primary training institution for security elites—in 1974, he carried the weight of his family’s revolutionary heritage.
According to Mr. Vu, ‘To Lam was considered one of the ‘princes’ of the party, which naturally made him far more ambitious.’
State security officials, speaking anonymously, suggested his rise was anything but certain. Throughout the 1980s and 90s, Mr. Lam reportedly found it challenging to distinguish himself, with his operational abilities lagging behind those of his more seasoned colleagues. He compensated by meticulously cultivating relationships, particularly with his superiors, often leading to jests that he spent more time at their homes than his own.
He broadened his influence through various political training programs and earned a Ph.D. in law in Vietnam. Additionally, he capitalized on the Ministry of Public Security’s frequent reorganizations as the nation navigated swift economic expansion and the advent of the internet.
His reputation for worldliness and a taste for luxury, often the first topic of discussion among Westerners familiar with him, evolved through his career and personal life.
In the late 1990s, he divorced his first wife, a childhood acquaintance, and married Ngo Phuong Ly, a television producer and painter from an influential artistic family.
By 2008, Mr. Lam was one of 11 deputy directors in General Department I, known as A11, a vital national security division. His superior was only a year older and considered more adept operationally. Despite the party’s prevailing two-child policy at the time, Mr. Lam had four children: a son and daughter from his first marriage, and two daughters from his second.
During this time, he was a frequent solo visitor to the National Academy of Music’s concert hall, enjoying student performances. His role with A11 also provided him extensive interaction with international officials. By August 2010, he secured a position as deputy minister of public security, a role that included accompanying senior leaders on international trips.
Diplomats, both current and former, characterized their engagements with Mr. Lam during these years as broad and insightful. While he understood English better than he spoke it, Mr. Lam maintained a mild demeanor. When pressed, he would often avoid a direct refusal, instead signaling a tentative ‘perhaps.’ He consistently conveyed a desire for Vietnam to engage openly with the world, particularly with the United States.
Tom Vallely, former director of the Vietnam Program at the Harvard Institute for International Development, noted that Mr. Lam ensured the 2017 Ken Burns documentary series on the Vietnam War was accessible in Vietnam without censorship.
Ted Osius, who served as U.S. ambassador to Vietnam from 2014 to 2017, expressed surprise when Mr. Lam raised the topic of trade in their initial meeting in Hanoi, a discussion that recurred in subsequent encounters.
Mr. Osius, now a businessman and educator in Ho Chi Minh City, stated, ‘To Lam was far more than just a police officer.’
Mr. Lam was a protégé of then-Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung, a southern leader instrumental in Vietnam’s entry into the World Trade Organization in 2006. Both men championed President Barack Obama’s Trans-Pacific Partnership, a free trade agreement intended to solidify the United States’ regional influence, which was later rejected by President Trump in 2017.
Mr. Lam also had a keen interest in history, frequently referencing Vietnamese generals who, in the years 938, 981, and 1288, successfully resisted Chinese and Mongolian incursions. Their covert strategy involved luring enemy ships into the Bach Dang River, east of Hanoi, where iron-tipped stakes lay hidden by high tide.
These colossal spears remained concealed beneath the high tide. As the water receded, the Chinese ships unwittingly impaled themselves and sank.
Mr. Osius recalled, ‘To Lam was deeply aware of this strategy: using the opponent’s strength against them.’
**The ‘Blazing Furnace’**
In a 2016 party reshuffle, Mr. Lam assumed control of the Ministry of Public Security. Following former Prime Minister Dung’s failed bid to retain his position, Mr. Lam became the chief enforcer for Nguyen Phu Trong, a staunch Marxist-Leninist who was re-elected as general secretary.
Mr. Trong’s intense ‘blazing furnace’ anti-corruption campaign further cemented their alliance.
Government officials reported that in 2017, Mr. Lam orchestrated a daring operation to capture Trinh Xuan Thanh, a former state-owned company official accused of embezzlement who had fled to Germany seeking asylum. German prosecutors alleged that Vietnamese agents kidnapped Mr. Thanh in Berlin and transported him through Slovakia, where Mr. Lam was present during the operation.
This case, which resulted in a life sentence for Mr. Thanh, was pivotal in earning Mr. Lam the trust of Mr. Trong. Party officials noted that Mr. Trong bestowed upon Mr. Lam the ‘sword of anti-corruption,’ allowing prominent, overconfident figures to effectively condemn themselves.
These individuals were Communists entangled in a capitalist surge. Amidst Vietnam’s rapid economic expansion, it was widely known that many officials were involved in illicit business dealings.
In 2021, Mr. Lam himself became embroiled in a scandal when a YouTube video surfaced. It showed him in London, alongside other officials, being dramatically fed gold-leaf-wrapped steak by the renowned celebrity chef, Salt Bae.
Insiders familiar with Vietnam’s political landscape revealed that President Nguyen Xuan Phuc intended to discipline Mr. Lam, but Lam aggressively resisted.
In 2023, Mr. Phuc was compelled to resign under a cloud of corruption allegations. Subsequently, Mr. Lam moved to strip Mr. Phuc of all his party titles.
This public humiliation was part of a broader pattern. In early 2024, with party chief Mr. Trong nearing his end, Mr. Lam’s anti-corruption drive systematically eliminated every other contender for Vietnam’s highest office.
Mr. Lam ascended to the presidency that May. Two months later, upon Mr. Trong’s death, Mr. Lam also assumed the role of party leader, securing this dual, previously temporary, position for his entire five-year term.
**New York and Trump**
Foreign policy quickly became a top priority for Mr. Lam. After a customary state visit to China in August 2024, he traveled to New York the following month for the United Nations General Assembly.
His itinerary included a notable visit to Columbia University, where he spoke and answered questions – an unusual occurrence for a leader of a one-party state. Prior to his address at Low Memorial Library, he held a private meeting with academics and business leaders in engineering, organized by Columbia historian Lien-Hang Nguyen and Vietnam War veteran Tom Vallely, a reconciliation advocate who had recently joined Columbia from Harvard.
Attendees described an atmosphere of energy and urgency, noting Mr. Lam’s fervent commitment to development concepts and his insistence on rapid research outcomes.
Three months subsequently, he introduced Resolution 57, the inaugural piece of his ‘four pillars’ policy. This resolution pinpointed regulatory hurdles as the main impediment to technological advancement, signaling a clear welcome to international businesses.
Ms. Lien-Hang, who left Vietnam as an infant with family members who had been citizens and soldiers of the former South Vietnamese government, commented, ‘I was counting on To Lam to be a reformer, and he absolutely is.’
Mr. Lam’s advisers had hoped he would make a similar positive impression on the then-presidential candidate, Donald Trump. His office had formally requested a meeting prior to the trip.
However, the day after Mr. Lam’s Columbia appearance, on September 24, Mr. Trump attended a signing ceremony with his son, Eric Trump, and a Vietnamese developer. This developer had acquired the rights to construct a Trump golf complex in Mr. Lam’s home province for millions.
Despite this, the presumptive president opted to snub Mr. Lam.
In 2025, steep tariffs were imposed, later reduced to 20 percent following appeals from Hanoi. When the White House placed duties on furniture, a key Vietnamese industry, Mr. Lam privately conveyed his frustration and bewilderment, as reported by officials who met with him.
Nevertheless, he persisted. Vietnam was among the initial nations to join Mr. Trump’s ‘Board of Peace.’ Officials indicate that deals for C-130 transport planes and Sikorsky helicopters from the U.S. have been finalized, with Mr. Lam hoping to announce these acquisitions during a high-level visit that Washington has yet to approve.
Some Marxist critics express concern that Mr. Lam could become Vietnam’s Mikhail Gorbachev – a reformer who dismantles the system by disrupting the established power balance, aligning too closely with Washington, and advancing too rapidly with state-favored oligarchs.
Conversely, those advocating for greater freedom of expression fear he might evolve into a Xi Jinping-like figure, hardening into a rigid party autocrat over time.
**’A New Approach’**
At the press conference, Mr. Lam took evident pride in explaining how he had distilled three extensive documents from previous congresses into a single, concise summary.
He stated simply, ‘We need a new approach.’
The key questions now among academics and officials are: Will his reforms be effective, and are they ultimately for his personal gain or for the benefit of the entire nation?
While Vietnam’s economy has seen consistent growth since the 1990s, its population of 102 million faces the risk of aging before achieving widespread prosperity. The nation’s higher education system trails behind regional counterparts, and air pollution is on the rise. Moreover, a recent influx of Chinese factories could provoke Mr. Trump’s trade officials and, coupled with a surge in Chinese imports, hinder Vietnam’s ambition to develop its own manufacturing expertise.
Mr. Lam’s hometown of Xuan Cau serves as a microcosm of his ambitions and the inherent risks. His modest family home has transformed into an extensive compound enclosed by pale yellow walls, now flanked by new schools, roads, soccer fields, and a revitalized, once-polluted pond.
Close by, cranes punctuate the skyline over a massive residential and commercial development. Painted in vibrant, crayon-like hues, its plazas feature mock-ups of Italian statues, resembling a Vietnamese Epcot Center.
Remarkably, this development now occupies what were once the very rice fields where Mr. Lam, as a child, foraged for food.
A recent visit revealed bright lights from a new highway promising prosperity, but closer inspection showed hundreds, perhaps thousands, of completed luxury villas standing dark and unoccupied.
Ultimately, the fate of Vietnam’s ambitious future now rests on Mr. Lam’s shoulders.