Last month, a U.S. military airstrike targeted a speedboat nearing the Dominican Republic’s southern coast, tragically killing three individuals on board. Dominican authorities reported that the impact scattered over 375 packages of cocaine into the Caribbean Sea. Photographs released by the Dominican anti-narcotics agency showed many of these packages distinctly marked with a red wrapper and the brand name ‘MEN’ in prominent black and white capital letters. The 1,000 kilograms of cocaine salvaged from the crash site contributed to an already record-breaking year for maritime drug seizures by the Dominican Republic’s anti-narcotics agency, totaling nearly 19,000 kilograms since January, even before the heightened U.S. naval presence. Under the Trump administration, a renewed focus on a decades-old cocaine trafficking industry has seen U.S. forces actively destroying speedboats in the Caribbean. This aggressive stance is justified by the administration’s claims of combating ‘narco-terrorist’ cartels responsible for funneling tons of cocaine into the United States annually.
Once a primary corridor for trafficking people, drugs, and weapons, the Caribbean’s role as a dominant drug route has diminished since the 1980s, a period famously depicted in shows like ‘Miami Vice’ when Colombian cartels routinely moved illicit cargo to South Florida by sea and air. However, with evolving enforcement strategies over the decades, the Caribbean has repeatedly resurfaced as a crucial conduit for illegal shipments, particularly for cocaine destined for Europe, where demand and prices are considerably higher. Despite the Trump administration’s narrative that the Caribbean and Venezuela are rampant drug conduits fueling American overdose deaths, data from U.S. and U.N. sources indicate that the majority of maritime drug trafficking heading for the United States actually takes place in the Pacific Ocean. Nevertheless, experts confirm the Caribbean remains a vital node for moving Colombian cocaine, with some shipments transiting through Venezuela. Interestingly, the region is not a route for fentanyl, a drug that was a primary concern for President Trump prior to the recent boat strikes.
A video from the Dominican anti-narcotics agency vividly shows cocaine being recovered from the wreckage after a U.S. military strike on a speedboat near the southern coast of the Dominican Republic last month, an incident that resulted in three fatalities.
As the Trump administration intensifies efforts along the U.S. southern border and deploys significant military resources to the Caribbean, drug traffickers are adapting. Experts and law enforcement officials report that smugglers are now exploring diverse methods to transport drugs from Colombia, the world’s leading cocaine producer, to international markets. Typically, narcotics move from Colombia to Caribbean nations like Trinidad, the Dominican Republic, and Jamaica. There, they are often repackaged and prepped for onward shipment, potentially ‘island-hopping’ through several locations before being loaded onto high-speed boats or concealed within commercial container ships for their ultimate delivery. Experts note a growing trend among smugglers to utilize cargo vessels in the Caribbean for concealing contraband. This method significantly complicates detection efforts, as illegal drugs are cleverly hidden among legitimate goods like agricultural produce. A senior anti-narcotics official, speaking anonymously, revealed that the Trump administration’s enhanced regional crackdown has resulted in a dramatic increase in illicit flights from South America. These planes are now frequently dropping drug bales at sea near Trinidad and Tobago, where larger vessels then retrieve them. Across the broader Caribbean, the heightened presence of U.S. warships has yielded mixed results. In the Dominican Republic, for instance, a senior government official, who requested anonymity, reported a significant reduction in observed drug boats.
Meanwhile, Jamaican anti-narcotics officials observe that drug dealers are now transporting smaller quantities of narcotics, a tactic aimed at minimizing losses should their shipments be intercepted. Patrae Rowe, head of Jamaica’s Firearms and Narcotics Investigation Division, confirmed these operational shifts. ‘We are seeing changes in modus operandi,’ he stated, noting an increase in ‘more covert means’ for transshipping drugs, such as concealing them within food shipments. One fact is undeniable: the global supply of cocaine is at an unprecedented high. The U.S. Coast Guard reported seizing approximately 175,000 kilograms (193 tons) of cocaine on the high seas in the fiscal year ending September, more than double the previous year’s total. A significant portion of this, around 64 tons, was intercepted in the Caribbean. While the Coast Guard typically intercepts drug-smuggling vessels, confiscates contraband, and detains suspects, they emphasized that their primary enforcement focus remains in the Pacific and declined to provide further comment for this report. Mr. Rowe also highlighted a consistent rise in cocaine seizures in Jamaica over the past five years, with over 2,508 kilograms confiscated in 2024, largely due to one major smuggling bust.
During the 1980s, the Caribbean served as the principal entry point for drugs entering the United States. Sophisticated Colombian cartels, led by notorious figures such as Pablo Escobar, managed extensive trafficking operations, overseeing every stage from coca plant cultivation to the use of high-speed boats for delivering cocaine to Miami. This scenario changed approximately two decades ago when the drug trade predominantly shifted to overland routes through Mexico into the United States. However, enhanced counternarcotics efforts in Mexico over the last decade have partially redirected cocaine trafficking back to the Caribbean, according to experts. The immense global production of cocaine, coupled with rising demand worldwide, has prompted traffickers to target more lucrative overseas markets. This has further elevated the Caribbean’s importance as a transit point for drugs heading to destinations like Rotterdam, Europe’s busiest port, and even as far as Australia and South Africa. Additional images show numerous packages of cocaine that were recently discovered in St. Vincent and the Grenadines.
Cartels have also evolved their strategies by decentralizing operations, distributing tasks like cultivation, storage, and transportation among various interconnected organizations. This fragmentation means no single cartel controls the entire supply chain, making these smuggling networks significantly harder to dismantle. For instance, local drug lords in Trinidad are now responsible for logistics and security, as confirmed by the anonymous anti-narcotics official. He further detailed that the presence of eight U.S. Navy warships in the Caribbean has coincided with a substantial increase in detected unauthorized flights from Colombia to various Caribbean islands. What was once five illegal flights in a morning has now escalated to around 15, the official noted. These airborne illicit deliveries often involve dropping drugs at sea, where they are then collected by larger vessels like yachts or commercial ships, a tactic employed because U.S. forces typically do not target such large craft. Recent weeks have seen bales of cocaine washing ashore in Trinidad and other islands, distinctively packaged with ropes and hooks—clear indicators, he explained, that they were designed for retrieval from the ocean. Among these discoveries in St. Vincent and the Grenadines were large cocaine packages wrapped in white tarps, conspicuously labeled ‘Industria Colombiana’ alongside a list of vitamin ingredients. Since early September, the Trump administration has claimed responsibility for destroying at least four ‘go-fast’ boats and causing 21 deaths. Administration officials, without providing specific evidence, asserted that those involved were ‘narco-terrorists’ posing a threat to U.S. security. However, legal experts broadly concur that these attacks contravene international law. While the administration defended these military actions by pointing to the high number of overdose deaths in the United States, it’s crucial to note that most of these fatalities are linked to fentanyl, a drug not known to be trafficked through the Caribbean. The first reported vessel destruction occurred on September 2 near Trinidad. A second operation on September 19, described as a joint effort between the U.S. and the Dominican Republic, resulted in the destruction of another boat approximately 80 miles south of Isla Beata, part of the Dominican Republic. Still images released by the White House, purportedly from video, show what President Trump described as a U.S. strike on a Venezuelan drug cartel vessel—the second such suspected drug boat targeted in recent weeks.
The Dominican Republic remains a significant drug transshipment point, with the majority of narcotics flowing out through its commercial ports. Over the last five years, the Dominican Foreign Ministry reports the seizure of nearly 225,000 kilograms (248 tons) of drugs. Estimates vary on the percentage of U.S.-bound cocaine that transits the Caribbean, with some experts suggesting it could be as low as 10 percent. Lilian Bobea, a sociologist at Fitchburg State University specializing in the illegal drug trade, attributes the Caribbean’s renewed importance to intensified U.S. pressure on Mexico and a rise in global drug consumption. A kilogram of cocaine in the Caribbean region currently fetches around $3,000. Initial observations suggest that the Trump administration’s military surge is driving up prices, though experts predict the full impact won’t be evident for several months. Despite these efforts, experts generally agree that U.S. warships alone are unlikely to significantly disrupt this exceptionally lucrative illicit market. Alberto Arean Varela, a regional coordinator for the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, highlighted the core issue: ‘There is an overproduction of cocaine in the producing countries. There’s more to smuggle.’ ‘We cannot stop using drugs,’ he concluded, emphasizing the demand side of the problem. Additional reporting for this article was provided by Prior Beharry from Port of Spain, Trinidad.