Andrej Babis, a billionaire former Czech prime minister, is poised to return to power after his party’s victory in parliamentary elections. He successfully tapped into public frustration over economic issues, a strategy that could reshape the country’s firm stance on Ukraine and potentially challenge the European Union and NATO’s approach to Russia.
Babis effectively connected the rising cost of living and widespread war fatigue among Czech citizens to his accusation that the sitting center-right government was overspending on aid for Ukraine. Although the Czech economy is reportedly stabilizing, this positive trend didn’t appear to sway voters.
Now, as he embarks on the potentially weeks-long process of forming a new government, Babis must carefully consider the influence he grants to right-wing Euroskeptic factions. Their support will be crucial for advancing his policy goals. While his Ano party (meaning “yes”) lacks a clear ideological framework, leaders from the recently defeated center-right coalition have stated their refusal to join any administration headed by Babis, a figure known for his broad appeal across various political leanings.
Furthermore, Babis faces scrutiny over potential conflicts of interest concerning his agribusiness holdings. He stated Saturday evening that he would present a “solution” to President Petr Pavel during their meeting on Sunday, addressing these concerns before assuming office.
Inside his own suburban office complex, Ano party officials celebrated by popping champagne as supporters erupted in cheers, welcoming Babis to claim his hard-fought victory.
“I am thrilled that we convinced people that it is only the Ano movement that has a clear vision for the future of our country,” Babis declared, celebrating as 97 percent of votes were tallied following two days of higher-than-average voter turnout. He mentioned he had not yet communicated with the outgoing prime minister, Petr Fiala.
“This is the peak of my political career, absolutely,” Babis asserted.
The 71-year-old Babis has frequently been likened to President Trump, notably echoing the “make *country* great again” sentiment during his initial term as prime minister in 2019. This transactional billionaire has maintained public support despite being entangled in various corruption allegations, including an ongoing fraud prosecution.
Far-right factions within the Czech political landscape are keen for Babis to align his foreign policy with that of Hungary and Slovakia, whose leaders have preserved connections with Moscow and resisted EU sanctions and NATO military aid to Ukraine.
Towards the end of his campaign, Babis sought to distance himself from the more extreme parties. On Saturday, he announced that Ano intended to form a minority government, despite not securing a majority in the Czech Parliament’s 200-seat lower chamber. Minority administrations typically face a greater risk of instability, relying on temporary coalitions rather than widespread policy consensus.
President Pavel, whose role is largely ceremonial but holds significant sway over security matters, had previously vowed to prevent extreme parties from gaining power. This warning came when a left-wing movement seemed poised to grant Communists a direct governmental role for the first time since the 1989 Velvet Revolution, though this scenario ultimately did not materialize.
Conceding defeat, Fiala reflected that his government had “borne the brunt of the burden of the crises our country has been through in the last four years,” citing a struggling global economy and the ongoing conflict in neighboring Ukraine as key challenges.
“My goal was to again create a government of democratic parties,” he stated, “but it is clear now that, according to the results, that won’t be possible.”
Babis’s campaign skillfully leveraged everyday economic struggles. While the previous government focused on reducing national debt, Czech citizens faced increased taxes, escalating energy bills, a higher retirement age, and sluggish economic growth. Concurrently, the government allocated nearly $11 billion due to the Ukraine war, predominantly to support refugees who sought safety in the Czech Republic following Russia’s 2022 invasion.
Only a small portion of this funding was directed towards the multi-billion-dollar ammunition program for Ukraine, an initiative spearheaded by the Czech Republic but largely financed by other NATO allies. Babis has previously pledged to terminate this program. However, when pressed on Saturday, he avoided directly stating whether he would maintain it or, as other Ano leaders have recently implied, advocate for its transfer to NATO’s control in Brussels.
While public backing for Ukraine remains robust, recent surveys indicate that over half of the country’s population is concerned the conflict could drag on for years or even draw NATO into a direct confrontation with Russia.
“When we fight against Russia’s regime, it has only cost us money — not infrastructure, not Czech people’s lives,” commented Jan Saiez, 47, a former firefighter and current interior ministry employee, after casting his vote on Friday to retain the center-right government.
Although Ano leaders have resisted calls to increase defense spending to 5 percent of GDP, a figure championed by Mr. Trump, they generally recognize NATO’s crucial role in ensuring Czech security. The party also advocates for significant reforms within the European Union, opposing its current migration and climate policies, yet supports continued membership in the economic bloc.
Lucie Hesova, a 36-year-old accountant from the Prague suburbs and an Ano voter, acknowledged NATO’s role in preventing further Russian aggression into Europe. However, she believes that support for Ukraine “needs to be limited.”
Despite his party’s electoral success, Babis’s path back to the prime minister’s office is not guaranteed.
According to Jiri Pehe, a veteran Czech political analyst, Babis faces a choice: he must either divest himself of his estimated $4.3 billion business empire or, alternatively, install a trusted ally as prime minister to lead the government while he exerts influence from a less official position. Should he choose the latter, Karel Havlicek, a close Ano party colleague and current Deputy Speaker of Parliament, would likely assume the premiership.
Pehe expressed skepticism about this scenario, believing that “Babis will do everything in his power to be appointed prime minister.”
Daniel Hegedüs, Central Europe director at the German Marshall Fund in Berlin, suggested that Babis’s resurgence reflects a growing polarization among voters in Eastern Europe, who increasingly oscillate between illiberal populist movements and pro-Western democratic principles.
This trend is evident elsewhere: in Poland, liberal centrist Prime Minister Donald Tusk won in 2023 but was followed by the election of a nationalist Law and Justice president in 2025. Similarly, Slovakia’s populist Prime Minister Robert Fico has twice reclaimed power since his initial term between 2006 and 2010.
In the Czech Republic itself, “the center is basically gone,” noted Jiri Pehe, who once advised the country’s first post-Communist president, Vaclav Havel. He observed that even among those who embraced democracy after the 1989 revolution, “a lot of them are still sort of nostalgic for strong-armed rule.”
“I call it post-Communist syndrome,” Pehe concluded.
Boleslav Vysin, 81, a retired former Soviet soldier who supported the Stacilo coalition (a party with Communist origins), voiced concerns that the current government “has been doing everything it can to involve the Czech people in a war against Russia” through its support for Ukraine.
At a Prague polling station on Friday, he encountered Irena Benesova, 72. Ms. Benesova explained her vote to retain the current centrist leadership: “at least they accomplished something — unlike the previous governments.”
“When Babis was in charge, nothing happened,” she remarked.
As they exchanged greetings, Ms. Benesova inquired if Vysin had also voted for the current government, considering it “the only choice.”
“I most certainly did not vote for them,” Vysin promptly replied.
“Well, I hope nobody will come to confiscate your house,” Ms. Benesova light-heartedly quipped, referencing past Communist policies.
Vysin expressed deep concern about the potential for war to escalate beyond Ukraine’s borders, stating, “I’m more worried it could collapse under a nuclear bomb strike.”
Barbora Chaloupkova contributed reporting from Prague.