Syria held its inaugural parliamentary elections this Sunday, a significant moment marking the country’s first such vote since a rebel uprising, led by current President Ahmed al-Shara, ended a brutal civil war ten months ago and toppled Bashar al-Assad’s regime.
While the public isn’t directly choosing their representatives—President al-Shara personally appoints one-third of the 210 lawmakers—this election is viewed by some Syrians as a crucial stride forward after over five decades of authoritarian rule under the Assad family. However, critics are wary, suggesting the voting process is unrepresentative and designed primarily to solidify al-Shara’s own power.
Further compounding these concerns, the elections do not cover the entire nation. Several minority groups are not participating, and regions not yet fully under national government control have been excluded.
These excluded areas include parts of Raqqa and Hasakah Provinces, which are currently managed by a Kurdish-led administration. Additionally, the entire southern province of Sweida, where hundreds died this summer in fierce clashes between Bedouin tribes and members of the Druse religious minority, is also not part of the electoral process.
Despite the existing ambiguities surrounding the Parliament’s eventual authority, for a nation emerging from decades of autocratic rule, this election could signify a pivotal moment and a tangible step toward a more democratic future. Here’s a closer look at what these elections entail.
How will the election be run?
The Syrian government has stated that direct voting for candidates is not feasible due to substantial administrative challenges following the civil war, such as a lack of national identification for many citizens and widespread displacement.
President al-Shara’s administration established an electoral committee to oversee the process. This committee, in turn, appointed regional bodies responsible for selecting members of local electoral councils. These local councils were then tasked with vetting and approving parliamentary candidates.
On Sunday, approximately 7,000 members of these electoral colleges gathered in auditoriums across the country to cast their ballots for candidates, according to electoral officials.
A palpable sense of quiet excitement filled the air in Damascus, the capital, as academics, politicians, teachers, and other electoral college members surrendered their cellphones before entering voting booths to write down the names of their chosen candidates.
“It is magnificent,” remarked Hani Meniawi, a neurosurgeon and electoral college member, after casting his vote at a central library in Damascus. “I am 74 years old, and it is the first time I am free to elect somebody whom I know and trust.”
The candidates selected by these electoral college members will fill two-thirds of the new Parliament. The remaining 70 lawmakers will be directly appointed by the president.
The official results of the election are anticipated to be announced on Monday.
Can anyone run for Parliament?
In the aftermath of decades of dictatorship and civil war, the electoral committee implemented strict rules regarding who could run for Parliament. This included a ban on anyone associated with or supportive of the former Assad regime, including former parliamentarians, unless they had officially resigned or defected previously.
Other exclusions covered individuals with a criminal record, those under 25 years of age, anyone involved in terrorist organizations, and those who have advocated for separatism, partition, or foreign intervention.
Furthermore, individuals who did not possess Syrian citizenship before 2011, the year the civil war began, were also barred from running. This particular exclusion is likely aimed at countering Mr. al-Assad’s past practice of granting citizenship to foreign fighters, many from Iran-backed militias, who supported his government.
Members of an electoral committee that will select some parliamentarians at a training session in Damascus, Syria, last month. Credit: Emile Ducke for The New York Times
Is the election expected to move Syria closer to democracy?
Some observers remain skeptical about the elections’ potential to usher Syria toward genuine democracy.
The Kurdish autonomous government, which retains control over a significant portion of northeastern Syria, has vehemently criticized the elections. They view it as “an attempt to reproduce the exclusionary policies that have governed Syria for decades,” arguing that the vote will be unrepresentative and marginalize numerous communities. They have strongly urged the international community not to recognize the results.
Negotiations between the Kurdish leadership and Mr. al-Shara’s government to integrate military and civilian operations have recently stalled, exacerbating tensions.
Samy Akil, a nonresident fellow at the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy, a Washington-based think tank, expressed concerns that the vote is being rushed. He also questioned how much independent authority the new Parliament will truly possess in enacting laws or serving as a check on the powers of Mr. al-Shara and his cabinet.
Akil pointed out that the government has already shown signs of not adhering to new legal provisions outlined in the interim Constitution passed in March, such as the requirement for parliamentary approval for some decisions.
“It’s a process of rubber-stamping and projecting legitimacy, at least internally,” Akil stated.
He added that since Mr. al-Shara will directly appoint many members of Parliament, the election process might also serve as a mechanism to reward individuals he deems politically important.
Despite these significant concerns, some individuals maintain that the election still represents a form of progress.
Civil society groups involved in training the electoral colleges have defended the process, asserting that it is the best possible option given the current circumstances.
“Of course, we would all hope for open elections,” said Abdullah El-Hafi, director of the Local Administration Councils Unit, a governance advocacy group.
However, he explained that Syria currently lacks much of the fundamental infrastructure required for comprehensive elections, including unified civil registries and even established voting laws.
El-Hafi noted that similar electoral models have been implemented with varying degrees of success in other countries undergoing comparable political transitions.
“It is not the ideal situation, but it is the situation that is possible now,” he concluded.
Sumaya Hilal, a pharmacist from Damascus and a member of the electoral council, highlighted the momentous nature of displaced Syrians like herself now being able to participate inside the Parliament building.
“Here we are, on the verge of laying the first foundation for building a state of law,” she declared. “We dreamed of voting for whomever we wanted. It is a great responsibility, and our consolation is that the Syrians are determined to succeed.”
How is Syria’s broader political transition going?
In March, Mr. al-Shara announced the formation of a caretaker government, appointing close allies to key ministries such as defense, foreign affairs, and the interior. This interim government is slated to remain in power until full elections can be held, a process al-Shara has indicated could span up to four years.
Even as the interim government attempts to distance itself from the brutal legacy of the Assad family’s rule, concerns persist that al-Shara’s governing style retains authoritarian tendencies.
An interim constitution unveiled in March upheld a strong presidential system, granting executive power to Mr. al-Shara, including the authority to appoint Supreme Court judges and one-third of the parliamentary members.
While al-Shara’s government includes some ministers from minority groups and one woman, he has primarily relied on a tight circle of loyalists from his time leading the Islamist rebel group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham.
This limited representation and the concentration of decision-making power among his loyalists have fueled distrust toward him and his administration, particularly within religious and ethnic minority communities like the Kurds, Christians, Alawites, and Druse.
Reporting was contributed by Reham Mourshed, Muhammad Haj Kadour, Hussam Hammoud and Carlotta Gall.